The Contruction of Angkor Wat

Project: The Contruction of Angkor Wat
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: February/01/2010
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.


INTRODUCTION
The resuscitation of ancient feuds between the two Naga clans changed the geographical politic of Southeast Asia into a complete reversal setting. Inscriptions witness the settlement of the Mahidharapura court, the reminiscence of the ocean Naga culture on the khorat Plateau, the traditional ream of Culodhara. At the same time the Chola, under Rajendra Chola II, conquered and occupied the Mahidhara ream of the Sri Vijaya. At Ramandesa, Pagan emerged under the leadership of Anuruddha, as another powerhouse to challenge both the Mahidhara and the Chola Empires. The internal conflicts during the reign of King Udayadityavarman II had passed on to the next reign of king Harsavarman I. It reflects the unsettlement of the Mahidhara control over the Angkorian throne, facing with the Cola legacies of the last court. Fight erupted but after the setback, a new leadership emerged once again at Yasodhara that brought the glory back to the Angkorian Empire. An obscure figure by the name of Divakara became the new leader to unite the Khmer Empire and went on to strengthen once again the Cakravatin kingship. The emergence of Divakara in the Angkorian court came at the exact moment of the disappearance of the Chola Empire from India.
The reunion with the Chola
We know from a Chinese source that the Chola Empire became vassal of the Sri Vijaya, and we shall see that the Chola would move its court to joint with the Angkorian Empire. The circumstance that forced the Chola Empire in becoming a vassal of the Mahidhara clan was the infiltration of the Muslim front lines that shook-up the Hindu world leaded by the Chola itself. It lent support to the rising of two of the Chola's rivals, the Pandya and the Hoysala of South India (Notes: The decline of the Chola). Before merging, the Chola conducted the last raid against the Malay Peninsular. The campaign was to free the maritime venture from the control of Ramanadesa and returned it back to Sri Vijaya or Angkor. Leaving the Angkorian throne to his brother, Dharanindravarman I, Jayavarman VI moved his court back to Mahidhapura. In return, we shall see that the Chola court was allowed to move back to Prey Nokor and gradually infiltrated itself into the Angkorian court. Evidences also show that in Ramandesa, the Triphuvanaditya's legacy of the last Mon's King Makutavamsa returned back in the court of Tathon, during the reign of Kyanzittha.
THE LEADERSHIP OF DIVAKARA
In 1067, the history of the Sung recorded the arrival of one of the highest dignitaries of San-fo-shish named Ti-hua-chieh-lo at the court of China. Ten years later, in 1077, it also recorded the arrival of another dignitary Ti-hua-chia-lo with the same name, but this time from the Chola court of king Rajendradevakulottanga (Notes: Rajendradevakulottanga). About the same time, many inscriptions found at the temple of Prah Vihear (JSS: Sanskrit Inscriptions of Campa and Cambodia, by Abel Bergaine) attest the apparition of the chief priest Divakara at the Angkorian court. His name as the exact transcription of the Chinese word "Ti-hua-chia-lo" leads us to believe that he was the same person in the Chinese Texts who played a key role in the development of post dynastic crisis. His presence in both the Sri Vijaya and the Angkorian court is not a surprise since both courts belonged to the same Mahidhara or Mahavamsa family. However his connection with the Chola Empire was not quite expected since it was just recently that the Chola Empire attacked the Sri Vijaya during the reign of RajendraChola. We shall see that Divakara managed to bring the three courts in consort, during which Chinese sources indicate that the Chola Empire went into decline and became a vassal of San-fo-shis (Sri dhammaraja).
The early career path of Divakara
The inscription of Phnom Sandak (BEFEO XLII, The Steles of Phnom Sandak: K.194, by G. Coedes), perhaps inscribed by Divakara himself, is more likely a self-biography. It is the only inscription so far that provides us with his early carrear path at the Angkorian court. Unfortunately, it does provide only a sketchy background about his origin.
The venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita from the region of Vnur Dnan, in the district of Sadya of the sect of Karamantara, third category, trained in reveal knowledge (from his) youth never ceased to learn and to teach all the sacred texts (agama) and to practice ascetism.
The locality of Vnur Dnan was mentioned in another inscription found at Phnom Sandak where Divakara settled in. His first appearance in the Angkorian court is seen next during the reign of Udayadityavarman II.
In the reign of SM Cri Udayadityavarmadeva, who ascended the throne in 972 caka (1050 AD) when the king erected the KA Suvarnalinga. For the purpose of worshipping, the venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita was invited to officiate.
It is important to note that Udayadityavarman II still sustained the Cakrvatin legacy of the Angkorian court and was crowned by his guru Jayendrapandita whose family from Stok Koh Thom had sole ownership of the Devaraja rituals. Divakara on the other hand, still very young, might just hold a minor position at first but his career would pick-up fast after he was promoted to the rank of president of rites.
In the reign of SM Cri Udayadityavarmadeva, the venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita was invited to (takes over the duties of) president (pradhana).. with the rank of precedence in the fourth category.
The inscription is however quiet about his ascending career during the reign of Harshanavarman III. Only during the reign of Jayavarman VI that he was mentioned to be promoted to the rank of Lord Guru, a position traditionally held by the family of Jayendrapandita from Stok Koh Thom. This signals another political shift that allowed the Chola clan to join in the Cakravatin establishment of the Angkorian court. The uprising of Param-guru at Lavo during the early reign of Suryavarman II might have been caused by this political unrest.
Divakara as lord Guru
The joining back of the Chola court in the Cakravatin establishment matched the ascending of Divakara' s career in the Angkorian court. From the same inscription of Phnom Sandak, we know that the first king to be crowned by him was Jayavarman VI.
In the reign of SM Cri Jayavarmadeva, when, on the occasion of his ascension to the holy royalty, he sought for a priest fit in all respects to carry out the function of Prah Guru to celebrate the royal coronation. - .It was the venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita who was invited to fulfill the venerable lord Guru.
There are not many records or legacies of Jayavarman VI left at Angkor's site. The next passage indicates that he was more active at Champapura.
When SM Cri Jayavarmadeva went on a pilgrimage to the temples and holy places .. went to K.J Cri Campasvara, the venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita was invited to go and make (concessions?) in all the temples.
It is important to note that the next Jayavarman VII was residing at Champapura before he returned back to take the Angkorian throne.
Back from Champapura, Divakara was again performing the duty of Lord Guru for the coronation of king Dharnindravarman after Jayavarman VI left Angkor for Mahidhara.
In the reign of SM Cri Dharnindravarma, brother of Cri Jayavarmadeva, the venerable lord Guru Cri Divakarapandita accomplished the duties of Vrah Guru to celebrate the royal coronation and perform the oblations at all sacrifices.
The crowning of both Jayavarman VI and Dharnindravarman reveals the high status of Divakara's career in the angkorian court, however his real achievement as the traditional lord Guru was for the next king, Suryavarman II. As we shall see Divakara would train the young Suryavarman II to become a powerful Cakravatin monarch who left a long lasting legacy of the angkorian Empire. It is also important to note that this high achievement was amid a political development of intense rivalry at Angkor. He had to manage through difficult situations of consolidating two antagonistic dynasties with many centuries of old feuds to join in the workable alliance. His effort appeared to pay off but was with a heavy cost. There was first the grass-root of Angkor leadership's Param-gurus whose uprising at Lavo was put down by the young pupil Suryavarman II. After the reign of the latter, we shall see that the Chola's secession at Champapura would undermine the Cakravati's security for the long run.
THE TWO DYNASTIES
The inscription found at a foundation of the temple of Ban That, described the historical facts about Jayavarman VI, his elder brother Dharninvarman I, and their young successor Suryavarman II (Le Cambodge: Le Monument and le stele de Ban That, p.165: Aymonier). Theirs genealogy, though showing family connection, portrays different affinities of political background. As Jayavarman VI and Dharninvarman I were retaining the Sri Vijayan legacy of the late Suryavarman I, Suryavarman II, on the other hand, emerged as the new leader of the Chola clan. It is important to note that the God King of the Sri Vijaya was Paramesvara, and the God King of the Chola was Tribhuvanaditya. Their love-hate relationship would create the dynamic of the next development of the Angkorian Empire.
Jayavarman VI (1080-1107)
He was the son of Hiranyavarman from Kshitindragrama, and of Hiranyalaksmi. An otherwise unknown locality, Kshitindragrama (Kshita + indra + grama) was meant to be the land of the Indra ksatra which was the legacy of the Sailendra court Sri Ksetra which we had identified as Ayudhya Puran (Dvaravati:Sri Ksetra). From the fact that Jayavarman VI brought back his family to Mahidharapura and that he was originated from Kshitindragrama, we believe that Kshitindragrama is part of Mahidharapura, the stronghold of the Sri Vijaya court of Sri Dhammaraja or Ligor where Suryavarman I also originated. It is not certain that Jayavarman VI reigned at Angkor for long, for he was mentioned only in an unfinished inscription. According to the inscription of Ta Prohm, Jayavarman VI appears to spend the rest of his life ruling at Mahidhara of Sri Dhammaraja.
Having obtained the supreme royalty of the sacred city of Yacodharapura, the king Jayavarmadeva, winner of all enemies, planted in every direction until the seashore his pilliers of glory, fixed the residency of his family at Mahidharapura.
The inscription of Mount Prah Vihea, erected by the Bhraman Divakara, mentions his name in the construction of Sivaite temples at Phnom Sandak, Prah Vihea, and Vat Phu and the construction of the Buddhist temple at Phimai. At his death he received the posthumous name Paramakaivalapada.
Dharanindravarman I (1107-1113)
He was a brother of Jayavarman VI and was crowned by Divakara, after his younger brother who received the title of Yuvaraja died unexpectedly. The inscription of Ban That explicitly describes his ascension to the Angkorian throne as by circumstance.
Without having desired royalty, when his younger brother the king had returned to heavens, through simple compassion and yielding to the prayers of the human multitude without a protector, he governed the land with prudence.
He continued the building and endowment program of the preceding reign and pursued traditionalism to the point of taking as his wife the Queen Vijayendralaksmi, widow of the heir apparent prince who died before reigning. He had reigned for five years. A king named Naripatindravarman, mentioned in inscriptions to reign at Angkor until 1113, might have been him. His title Naripatindravarman indicates that he was then a ruler of Lavo, a function traditionally assigned to the army general of the Angkorian Empire. Dharanindravarman I received the posthumous name of Paramanishkalapada.
Suryavarman II (1113-1145 or 1150)
Suryavarman II was a grandnephew in the female line of Dharanindravarman I, he was still very young when he challenged his uncle for the throne. Hardly at the age of adulthood, says the Inscription of Ban That, and just finishing the training with his Guru Divakara, Suryavarman II came to gain the esteem of the royal family and engaged in the campaign of fighting for the Angkorian throne.
Releasing the ocean of his armies on the fields of combat, he (Suryavarman II) gave terrible battle; leaping on the head of the elephant of the enemy king, he slew him, just as Garuda swooping down from the top of a mountain kills a serpent.
There was no longer mentioning in any remaining inscriptions of the Angkor group of Naripatindravarman. Suryavarman II took the throne and had a brilliant career, however the end of his reign was obscure, and the date of his death is still unknown. The last inscription in his name is dated in 1145, but there is every reason to believe that he was the instigator of the campaign of 1150 against Tongkin and, therefore his reign lasted at least until that date. An Annamite chronicle mentioned about a raid to Nghe-an in 1150 by Cambodian troops and suffered a lost due to hot and wet weather (BEFEO IV, Deux ittinaries de Chine en Inde: Paul Pelliot, p210). His posthumous name was Paramavishnuloka.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF ANGKOR WAT
Besides stabilizing the Khmer cakravatin Empire, Suryavarman II left a much more long lasting legacy of his reign, the construction of Angkor wat. It was in this temple that he was deified in the form of Visnu incarnation and received the posthumous name of Paramavishnuloka. This revival of Visnuite legacy was due, as we shall see, to the presence of the Chola court back in the Khmer Empire. It marked the high point of the Southeast Asian Cakravatin establishment as both the Sri Vijaya and the Chola court were reunited back, even-though in a short time, since the break-off of the Naga Empire into the Choladhara and the Mahidhara clans.
The Temple of Ban That
On its face B, the inscription of Ban That described an edifice of three towers, a representation of the three tops of mount Meru, the celestial mountain. This could be the reference to the temple of Ban That where the inscription was found, but it was also a prelude to an architectural design used in a larger scale for the building of the celestial temple of Angkor Wat.
Three high edifices (Saudhhatrayam) represent the three tops of mount Meru, the celestial mountain where dwelled religious sages and celestial nymphes. Just as the Indra's palace, with banner floating in the air, under the sound of music high into the sky, groups of women dance and sing with mellow voices accompanying string musical instruments. During the Sraddha and the Dirghasatra, people listen to the recital of the pass history. There we can see, in anytime, the universe brought close on the magnificent tables displayed on the wall.
For those who wonder what Angkor Wat was built for, the passage of the inscription provides the best answer of all. One could imagine that it was used the same way as Buddhist temples are used in Cambodia today. Besides sheltering monks and religious members, it was the place where all sort of religious activities and ceremonies took place. At Ban That and perhaps the same at Angkor Wat, two such ceremonies were mentioned. The Sraddha, known as the ceremony of ancestral observance, consist of bathing procession of the ancestral royal linga. On the other hand, the Dighasatra was referring to a sacrifice ceremony of some sort, for the god Soma. During these two ceremonies, people might entertain themselves and learn the pass history from the recital of scholars.
Angkor's architecture
Scholars had identified the evolution in architecture, style and decor of Angkor temples, and classified them into different phase of Khmer culture. Angkor's temples adopted new architecture that reflected the greatness of the Angkor Empire of the time. The earlier mountain temples embedded the legacy of Nokor Phnom that consisted of using the pyramid bases to support a tower of lotus shape. Later temples, including the temple of Angkor Wat, were the aggrandizement of the previous architecture consisting of a central mountain temple surrounded by smaller towers at the cardinal points. With multiple enclosures and different level of terraces, the five towers represented the Cakravatin Empire consisting of its Middle Kingdom and its four cardinal states. One significant feature of the new architecture, more noticeable at Angkor Wat than any other temples, was the presence of the Naga sculptures. Under the Buddhist and Visnuite influence, these Khmer nagas grew many heads out of the mouth of a Makara. Each head represented a Naga clan formed by the Meru Culture and classified by the Hindu culture: the Simha (lion), the Kala (Sura), the Guchasa (elephant) etc... Looking closely one might notice the Buddhist wheel of Dharma right at the beginning of spanning fan of the Naga heads. It was an integrated symbol of Naga races under the influence of mixed cosmology of Brahmanism, Sivaism and Sivaism. The Simha or Lion sculptures were also noticeable, at the site of Angkor Wat, reflecting the importance of the Simha legacies of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire.
MAHA NOKOR
After crowned by Divakara, Suryavarman II's audacity brought Angkor back to the status of a Cakravatin Empire. By quiet down rival of the Sri Vijaya power house, Angkor retained the title of Maha Nokor, recognized by the Chinese court as Ta-tche to be treated in honor by the Chinese council of rites. A bas-relief of Angkor Wat depicted the court of the Angkorian Empire under Suryavarman II, the time it was recognized by the Chinese court as one of the leading powers of Southeast Asia. The depiction could be divided into distinct partitions showing off the military parades to the publics, in front of Suryavarman II's court. Its presentation was of particular historical values that scholars attribute its depiction as the historical gallery of the temple (JA Tome II, VIII serie: Aymonier, Les Inscriptions en vieux Khmer).
The court of Suryavaman II
The first or lower partition depicted the corteges of the queens and princesses with elaborate hair dresses of diadem with triple points. Five queens who were placed in the front, laid themselves on palanquins with magnificent dais. We know that one of them was the principal queen while the other fours were , according to the Cakravatin tradition, the daughters of the four cardinal states. At the background, princesses hit themselves in cabins covered by drape. They were observing the Khmer tradition known as "in shade" which required young girls at the age of puberty to be hidden in the shade out of public sight. At the higher partitions, lancers and archers stood guard the royal audience that was taking place. Brahmans with long hair knotted in Chignon sit respectfully according to theirs ranks. Next came the depiction of the king himself. A small inscription tells us that he was Suryavarman II assembling his troops on the mount Civapada or mount Isvara.
Santac Prah Pada Kamraten an Parama Viushnuloka na stac nau the vnam Civapada pi pancuh vala.
Wearing the makuta or the diadem, he sat in a royal pose surrounded by fourteen umbrellas. The inscription tells us that he is inspecting his troop. The depiction also shows the army of Suryavarman II in different contingents marching in a parade. Each contingent has its own commander identified by a small inscription. A number of umbrellas surrounded him indicates his rank. Most soldiers were depicted with bare foot and bare torso. If they don't wear headdresses, the depiction shows them with crew-cut style hair cut. Their armaments were spears, knives and shields. On the other hand some contingents were depicted with specific discipline. We shall see that the Khmer army is a coalition of forces composed of recruits from different cardinal and vassal states. In the last part of the depiction, the bas-relief depicts two such divisions. Two inscriptions identified the first one as "Lavo" and the second as "Syam Kut". Reflecting the control of the Angkorian court under Suryavarman II over Dvaravati of the Menam Valley, the depiction provides us with important clues to complement the rare information from the Chinese texts about the political aspects of the two locations in regard to the new Angkorian Empire.
Lavo as the Angkorian military command post
As the capital of Dvaravati, Lavo was always been the strategic center of the Angkorian Empire. It explains why Lavo was often mentioned in northern Siam tradition, instead of Angkor, in connection with the northern Siam internal affairs. Under the Mahidhara leadership, the role of Lavo was still retained as the military command post of the new Angkorian Empire. A small inscription of the next depiction tells us about the conduction of Lavo army under the command of Sri Jaya-Simhavarman.
Vrah kamraten An Sri Jaya Simhavarman Kamlun prey nam vala Lvo.
The army under Sri Jaya-Simhavarman was portrayed as having the same discipline and uniform, exactly as the Angkorian army of Suryavarman II. What is interesting is the portraying of Jaya-Simhavarman with seventeen umbrellas while other personalities of the Angkorian court had at most twelve and Suryavarman II himself had only fourteen. It is expected that Jaya-Simhavarman, as an obraja of the Angkorian Empire, had more status than other dignitaries of the Angkorian court. However, the depiction of more umbrellas suggests that his ranking was even above the younger Suryavarman II. It indicates that in a Cakravatin establishment, the Middle Kingdom was not always the supreme leader of the Empire. As we have seen, Dvaravati was always been a cultural inspiration and the political support of the Soma line for the previous Angkorian kings and Lavo was always been the military command post of the Angkorian Empire. This arrangement explains the leadership of Lavo court over the new Angkorian Empire. Lohac, as the Chinese called the court of Lavo, sent a mission to China on its own in 1115, two years after the ascension of Suryavarman II who was then very young. At a time that the young king had not yet fully established his authority over the outlying dependencies of his kingdom, Lavo under Jaya-Simhavarman took the leadership role. The finding suggests that in some circumstances, a cardinal state of a cakravatin Empire might take the control if needed. Again in 1155, following the death of Suryavarman II, Lavo sent another embassy to the Chinese court. An inscription of 1167 found in the region of Nagara Svarga (Nakhon Sawan) of a king named Dharmasoka who might had been another of the Lavo throne. As Dharmasokaraja was a traditional title of Sri Dharmaraja (Sri Dharmaraja) Nagara Svarga was undoubtedly meant to be a city of Sri Dharmaraja.
The background of Jaya-Simhavarman
As much we would like to know more of Jaya-Simhavarman's background, it is unfortunate that we do not find any inscriptions dedicated to his life. However, we came across with two inscriptions that might shed some light on his origin and his career in the court of King Suryavarman II (Inscriptions du Cambodge II:Inscription de KuK Prin Crum and Stele de Nak Ta cih ko, George Coedes). Both inscriptions were the work of another high-ranking army's chief of King Suryavarman II, named Cri Parakramaviradevavarman who happened to be a brother-in-law of Sri Jaya-Simhavarman. The inscription de Nak Ta Chih Ko, introduces Cri Narapatisimhavarman as an army general and advisor of king Suryavarman II.
The Country's Savior (Suryavarman II) had a chief of army, as the master of the sky, carrying a lance, having the gut of a lion to dismantle the frontal elephantry of the enemies during a combat, named NarapatiSimhavarman.
The end of the inscription moreover reveals the relationship of Sri Virendradhipati as a brother-in-law of Sri Narapatisimhavarman. In both inscriptions, there are mentioning of victory over a certain Arjuna who revolted against Suryavarman II. It was perhaps during his early reign that many adversaries of the young king emerged to challenge his authority. Obviously both brothers-in-law were crucial to the break-down of those uprisings and were granted with high reward from the king. As Sri Virendradhipati was commissioned to take care the southern region, Simhavarman was anointed as governor of Lavo and at the same time became Suryavarman II's army general and advisor. We do not know much about the background of Narapatisimhavarman, but we know more of his brother-in-law's. The inscription of KuK Prin Crum provides us with the information of Parakramaviradevavarman's long lineage from an illustrate figure named Padma, back to the court of Jayavarman II.
There was a minister, advisor of the king Paramesvara, known under the name of Padma having the same courage as the spouse of Padma. Brother of Srasvati, the king's consort, he was the favorite of the king, at the head of the king's advisors; a general of a full merit, he knows not any defeat in war.
As many family members of the court of Jayavarman II, Sri Padma came from Aininditapura.
Originated from a family of the best cast of Aninditapura, from the city of Prey Sla (Betel forest), he was the king's faithful follower.
The inscription finally introduces Parakramaviradevavarman as a great-grand-son of Sri Padma. Without more information we only can speculate that Narapatisimhavarman must to have also strong connection in the past for him to rise up and received such status in the court of Suryavarman II.
The Siam Kut
Back to the depiction of Angkor, what could not be missed is the part under the label of "Syam Kut", apparently depicting non-Khmer troupes under their own commander. It shows contrast between these troupes with the Khmer army of Angkorian court. Another small inscription identifies their commander as "Anak rajyakaryya bhaga paman jen jhala ta nam Syam Kuk", a royal officer of the bhaga paman "Jen jhala" named "Siam Kuk". The depiction portrays the soldiers in the Syam Kuk contingent to be less organized and appeared to be more primitive than the rest of the Angkorian troupes. Looking closely, the Siam Kut armies fit the description of the Guchanaga warriors, in theirs traditional attire consistent with the Naga traditional vogue. Peacock's feathers appear to be used for decoration on both their spears and headdresses. The skirts that they were wearing appear to be the same of the traditional Mon or Malay sarong called "longyi". On the other hand, we had identified that Siam Kut was a southern city of the Menam Valley located around Ayudhya that was a new city of Sri Dhammaraja. The Siamese troupes were undoubtedly the Sri Vijayan warriors joining Lavo troops into the Angkorian army. Despise their appearance, they were often mentioned in Chinese Texts as of incomparable bravery. On the other hand, evidences show that the Siams or Laos of the northern countries were already adopting Khmer culture, through Lavo court, long before the creation of Haripangjaya. Their traditional dress consisted of a larger piece of cloth, wore with the front end passed between the legs and tight to the back, exactly the same as the depicted Khmer and Lavo Soldiers were wearing. Had they been recruited into the Khmer army they would blend in completely with the depicted Lavo contingents. However, as Lavo was now under Angkor, the northern Siam countries were still in disarray. It was due in part to the fact that Haripangjaya emerged as serious contender against the Angkor since the reign of Suryavarman I and still stayed independent. At the mean time we shall see that Suryavarman II had already subdued Xiang-mai and was in the process of reorganizing the whole northern region. Suryavarman himself, as an inscription put it, went into the countries of his enemies and eclipsed the glory of the victorious Rashu (an ancestor of Rama). There are no evidences indicating that he succeeded in consolidating back Ramanadesa and northern Siam countries into the Khmer Cakravatin Empire, during his early reign. Concrete evidences for these northern Siam troops joining in the Khmer coalition army, would be found later under the reign of Jayavarman VII when inscriptions witness the coalition force of Pukam, Siam and Khmer troops fighting against Dai-viet.
THE DEPENDENCY OF THE SIAM COUNTRY
Under Suryavarman's strong leadership, rivalry was put down in favor of the centralized empire. After subduing Dharnindravarman I, evidences show that drastic measures had been implemented on both Lavo and Xiang-mai. While the south had been subdued and stabilized by Jaya-Simhavarman and his brother-in-law Sri Virendradhipati, we shall see that the effort of Suryavaramn II and his Guru would be shifted to the northern Siam Countries. The settlement of Divakara at Phnom Sandak and the resuscitation of Phnom Prah Vihea as a new political center reflect the new policy of Angkor concerning its northern dependency. Inscriptions of Prah Vihar (BEFEO XLII: The Steles of Prah Vihar: K 383) found on the site reveals that state affairs were conducted right by the venerable lord Guru Sri Divakara at the site, with the presence of Suryavaman II himself. As one of the strong traditions of the Chola is the claim of theirs ancestral heritage over Yun-nan, we shall see that Suryavarman II had spent the rest of his life consolidating Angkor's control over the Shan country. Unfortunately, it was done against another Angkorian legacy, the Sri Vijaya.
The crack-down on Xiang-mai
To recall back, Xiang-mai was part of Aninditapura and was the seat of the Parama-kings in close connection with the Sri Vijaya. The locality of Prey Sla, in particular, was connected to both royal and the lord Guru 's family members of the previous Angkorian court. During the attack of Angkor by King Suryavarman I, the family of Lord Guru Silvakaivalia that had hold-on to the sole right of performing the Devaraja cult had survived the assault. They were reinstated back and continued to perform theirs works until at least the reign of Udayadityavarman II. The inscription of Stock Kak Thom indicates that Jayendrapandita still hold high position in the court of the latter. However, the merging with the Chola and the appointment of Divakara as the royal guru of Suryavarman II, would hint the end of Jayendrapandita 's legacy in the court of Angkor. With no information, we only could speculate that they were following the court of Jayavarman VI to Sri Dhammaraja and then came back to reinstate his eldest brother Dharnindravarman I to the throne of Angkor. This maneuver clashed with the youthful Suryavarman II who, under the tutelage of his Guru Divakarapandita, was also contending for the Angkorian throne. An inscription of Prah Vihear reveals a measure that concerned specific re-enforcement of order at Xiang-mai, conducted by Suryavarman II and his Guru Divakarapandita.
Concerning the villages and family estates of the lord Parama-guru who had committed faults, such as the village of Prey Sla, family of lord ... deva, and the village of Kantin, which the kings had given to gods, the venerable lord Guru Sri Divakarapandita made appeal to the royal favor. His Majesty redeemed them all, and all the guilty ones... again as henceforward.
The lord Parama-guru of the passage could be a member of the last Angkorian elite, family member of the late lord guru Jayendrapandita. Under the condemnation, the people of Xiang-mai, along with family's members of Param-guru, were put under strict control of Angkor. In theirs own history, the Xiang-mai chronicle recorded no events during the reign of King Lao Chun and Lao Meng of Xiang-mai. However the emergence of king Mangrai who rose-up along with Rama-kamheang and king Ngam-muang, to form a pact against the Angkorian Empire during the Mongol's incursion, suggests that during the past reigns, Xiang-mai was under harsh treatment of the Angkorian court.
The reestablishment of Muang Nan
The Nan Chronicle is by far the only chronicle that dedicates the Nan Country as a country of its own right (Notes: The Nan Chronicle). The chronicle started from the formation of Muang Pua (Known later as Vieng-chan) and Muang Nan to satisfy the need of two princely brothers by the ruler of the Phukha Dynasty reigning over Muang Yang (muang Raja). Undoubtedly he was the same as Rajapativarman in the inscription of Prah Vihear, who took control of the northern Shan country for Angkor. After stabilizing Xiang-mai, it is obvious that Suryavarman II was in the mission to take back the Shan country. The reestablishment of Muang Nan and Vieng-Chan, as we shall see, was a strategic move to secure the eastern part of the Angkorian Empire. The mentioning of the two brothers, hatched from two eggs in the story line reflects the obscure background of the next rulers of Nan and Vien-chan. Found by a hunter, the two eggs were handed over to Phraya Phukha.
While resting under the tree, he (the hunter) saw two large eggs the size of Coconuts. He picked them up and brought them to Phraya Phukka.
As usual, when dealing with unclear historical facts, the compiler of the chronicle used myth to hideout the obscurity. There are indications however that they were belonged to the displaced Siam court of Chiang Saen of the ancient Yunok clan or the very early Cham kingdom. The story mimicked the formation of Chan-tcheng and Yueh-chao (Nan-chao) in Chinese text dated back since 131 AD (Sakadvipa: The Cham Countries: Yueh-tiao and the kingdom of the Chan). This time the rebirth of both countries were not initiated by the Chinese but by Angkor and as part of the northern Shan country had played a big role in the history of Angkor during the few following centuries. Of the court of Nan descended Vidyanandana who spent most of his youth at Angkor and, as we shall see, would be instrumental in the reorganization of the Angkorian Empire during the reign of Jayavarman VII (Nokor Thom: The restoration of Angkor: Vidyanandana-Suryavarmadeva).
The depedency of Muang Mao
The Shan chronicle places the epicenter of the Shan world at Muang Mau that could be identified as Moung Yang or Rajapati in Khmer inscriptions (Notes: The Shan Chronicle). In correlation to the Nan tradition, we know that Muang Yang was under the Angkorian control of Phraya Phukha, identified as Rajapativarman in Khmer inscription.
THE RESUSCITATION OF THE CHOLA COURT
While Jayavarman VI brought his court back to Mahidhara where he reestablished the Sri Vijaya Empire, the Chola legacy had moved back into Champapura at the same time that a Chola king named Divanikar had settled down at Wat Phu. The reunion of the two clans unfortunately did not last. After the come back of King Dharnindravarman at Angkor, we had seen that the Chola Clan under the leadership of Divakara had no problem to wrest it back and handed it to the still very young Suryavarman II. With no opposition, Suryavarman II brought the Angkorian Empire into a new high. During his pacification, inscriptions reveal the reinstatement back of the Chola legacy in the northern part of the Angkorian Empire.
Kuruksetra and Lingaparvata
An inscription found at the shore of the Mekong River near Wat Phu bring enigma to this region long time connected to the Saka legacy. Known as the inscription of Wat Luong Kau (Pagoda of the king Kau)(BEFEO II: La Steles de Vat Luong Kau, George Coedes), it commemorate a king named Divanika with the title of Maharajadhiraja (great king of kings). Unlike other Angkorian incriptions of the time, it uses Gupta characters of ancient Kaundinya court. The immediate reaction among scholars is to date the inscription around the fifth century and to relate the king Divanika to a member of the Kaundinya lineage. Connecting the King Divanika with the Kaundynia lineage moreover posed other problems.
The question is now to place in which lineage the king Divanika whose name is found in the puranic tradition among the ancestors of Rama. (BEFEO II: La Steles de Vat Luong Kau, George Coedes)
The Rama connection places the king Divanika in Vishnuite clan of the Chola Empire. His title Mahadhiraja indicates that he is a great king which none of the immediate descendants of Kaundinya could claim as such. At the time of its creation, Nokor Khmer was still a small kingdom and the Kaundinya kings were not cakravatin monarchs. Another clue that deny the antiquity of the inscription is that it was dedicated to the memory of Kuruksetra, a north Indian locality that has never been mentioned in Khmer inscriptions before but was mentioned in the recent inscriptions of Phnom Sandak and Prah Vihear. When Suyavarman I awarded a land to an abroad scholar named Sukarman, it was named Kuruksetra in memory of his Indian origin from the region. The presence of Divakara in the Angkorian court on the other hand provides the answer. Some sources claim that he was born of a daughter of Rajendrachola and of Rajaraja I of Vangi and was presumed to reside at Sri Vijaya before joining the Chola court. This connection leads us to believe that the king Divanika was a great king of the Chola Empire and agrees with the Chinese sources about its becoming vassal of Ta Tche, the Angkorian Empire. The inscription mentions that religious artifacts had been brought from abroad (duradesa) to be installed at Wat Phu (Lingaparvata); among them was the linga Bhadrasvara deifying the first kaundinya king. This late use of the Gupta script is not a surprise in the Chola court since it was so conservative to let go any past legacies.
The Secession of Champapura
As had been done in the past, the diplomatic connection between the Sri Vijaya and the Chola Empire was carried on by a joint religious project: one side built a religious temple and the other provided all the supports to the temple. In 1005, the Sri Vijayan king Chulamanivarman built a Buddhist temple at Nagipattana and the Chola king Rajaraja offered the revenue of a large village to sustain the temple. In the reverse role, king Divanika built the Hindu temples at Wat Phu and at the location of wat Luong Kau, to facilitate the stay of religious figures from the Chola court. Both locations might also served as the refugee camp for the Cholas, escaping the Indian continent at the last moment of its fall. Divakara who was one among the Chola refugees, would start his career at the Angkorian court under the reign of Udayadityavarman II. As we recall back, the God King Bhadrasvara was consecrated at the first time at Mi-son to deify the first Kaundinya king at Champapura. Inscriptions of Prah Vihear reveal later that the God King Bhadrasvara was consecrated at Lingaparvata site of Wat Phu. It was among all the resuscitation of the Chola court back in Champapura that would lead to its political secession from the Angkorian Empire. We shall see the attempt of Jaya Indravarman, the new ruler of Champapura, to disconnect himself from the Angkorian court while new conflicts between Angkor and Dai-viet provided him with opportunities. On the reverse side, seeing the independence of Champapura as fit into its long-term agenda, Dai-viet provided full support to the new Champa court. In 1128, Suryavarman II led 20,000 men to invade Nghe-an; driven out by Ly Cong Binh he sent next a fleet of more than 700 vessels to pillage the coasts of Tan-hoa. Angkor renewed its attack against Nghe-an by dragging along Jaya Indravarman. The Dai-viet garrisons of Nhe-an and Thanh-hoa united under the command of Duong Anh-nhe drove them out. After the fight, Champa sent tribute to the Emperor Ly Than-tong in the beginning of 1131 and Jaya Indravarman, already making a pact with Dai-viet, did not take any more part in the next campaign in 1138. Realizing that Jaya Indravarman had betrayed him, Suryavarman II had no other choice than to turn against him. In 1145 the Angkorian army captured Champapura, seized Vijaya and apparently ended the control of Jaya Indravarman. In 1147, when another Champa king named Jaya Harivarman I established himself in the south at Pandaranga, Suryavarman II sent an army of both Cham and Khmer troops leaded by Senapati Sankara against him in 1148 but were defeated on the plain of Rajapura. Another campaign with more troops did not fare better. While Suryavarman II installed his brother in law, prince Harideva to be the ruler of Vijaya, Jaya Harivarman marched on Vijaya and defeated him and ended once for all the Angkorian control. Without Champapura's support for ground troops and a relay station for fresh supplies, the next fight against Dai-viet took a worst turn; the Angkorian troops sent by Suryavarman II arrived at Nhe-an so weak that they had to withdraw without fighting. It was his last attempt to bring Champapura back into the Angkorian control and we never heard of him again during the rest of his life.
Tribhuvanaditya of Prey Nokor
In parallel to the Chola uprising at Champapura, evidence show that Prey-nokor was also delegated to a Chola governor under the name of Tribhuvanaditya. Two inscriptions on silver plates, commemorating the god king Tribhuvansvara, were found in a cave of Prey Nokor (BEFEO IV: Notes d'epigraphy: Les Plateaux de Nui Cam, M. L. Finot). The first one mentioned about Sri Kalapavvaka, a daksina kamraten jakat, performing the ritual samvakapuna for the god king Tribhuvansvara at 1166. The second inscription mentioned about Tribhuvanadityavarman, a governor (kamraten jakat) at Lingapavarta, performing the ceremony of kotihoma. As the god king Tribhuvansvara was a legacy of the Rashu line of kings, its mentioning in the silver plates indicates that it was brought back to Champapura during the settlement of maharaja Divakara at Vat Phu. It is also suggesting that Tribhuvanadityavarman who was a governor of Lingaparvata of Prey-nokor, was himself belonged to the Chola or Rashu line of kings. He was likely the same personage of the "Bharata Rashu Samvuddhi", mentioned in the inscription of Banteay Chmar to revolt against the next Angkorian monarch, Yasovarman II. The revolt gave him enough control to resuscitate the Champa court where inscriptions later reveal the apparition of a new Champa king with the name of Jaya Indravarman. We shall see that he would usurp the Angkorian throne from the next king Yasovarman II and he himself was stripped later by the Champa king Jaya Indravarman.
Reference:
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. JSS:Sanskrit Inscriptions of Campa and Cambodia:Phnom Prah Vihear, by M. Abel Bergaigne
  3. BEFEO XLII:The Steles of Phnom Sandak (K.194) and of Prah Vihar (K. 383), by G. Coedes
  4. INDIA: Ancient India, by R.C. Majumdar
  5. SHAN:The Shan State and the British Annexation, by Sao Saimong Mangrai
  6. IC VI:Inscriptions Of Cambodia: Inscriptions of Prah Vihar, by G. Coedes
    Notes:
  1. Chronology
  2. The decline of the Chola
    The decline of the Chola might have been started after the death of Rajadhiraja (1044-1053) in the battle with the Chalukya. It continued on during the reign of Rajendra III (1246-1279) who ruled as the feudally of the Pandya. The last legacy of the Chola Empire was ended, after the invasion of Malik Naib Kafu in 1310.
  3. Rajendradevakulottanga
    Kulottanga I(1070-1118), was the son of the Eastern Chalukya king, Rajaraja who was connected to the Cholan Dynasty through his grand mother who was the daughter of Raja the Great of the Cholan court.
  4. The Nan Chronicle
    Compiled in 1894 by Senluang Ratchasomphan, an official at the court of Nan in 1894, the chronicle includes in part I, the history of the Yonok-Chiangsaen Dynasty from which the Nan rulers claimed descent.
  5. New development of Muang Mau
    But however this may have been during Anuratha's lifetime, certainly the succeeding kings of Mau were entirely independent, and they appear to have reigned in peace and unbroken succession until the death Pam-Yau-Pung in AD 1210, when a thrid influx of Khun Lung's posterity occurred in the person of Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng of the race of Kun-su of the race of Maing-Kaing Maing-Nyaung.(SHAN:Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P. IX)
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