The Fall of Nokor Thom

Project: The Fall of Nokor Thom
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: February/01/2010
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.

INTRODUCTION
Sensing that the end of his time would be near, the great Khan concentrated his effort on completing his ancestor's last wishes. As his eyes have already set on the wealth of the southern empires for a long while, the great Khan moved on to target Angkor and its allies. For some reason, there are not much records left concerning the two powerful empire standing against each other. Neither the Khmer and the Mongolian sources left any clues about the clash between them. Nevertheless the lack of Angkorian embassies in the court of China indicates clearly the disruption of relationship between the two countries. We could explain this as due to the Mongol's incursion on Angkor contributing into the breakdown of the Angkorian Empire, created situational constraint on both sides to care about anything else than the fighting. Starting from the conquest of Yunnan to the reign over the Chinese throne, it is clear that Kublai Khan's ambition was not only restricted to the Chinese continent. His next plan to continue on invading southern countries is obvious and Angkor was next in the line. Even though encountered with many setbacks, his drive toward Angkor at the end reached its destination (The break down of the Cakravatin Empire: Burma after the fall of Pagan: The impact of the Mongol's incursion).
The impact of the Mongol's incursion
Khmer and Champa inscriptions witness the coalition of Pukam and Siam troops with the Khmer army during the reign of Jayavarman VII. New evidence show that this coalition still subsisted during the Burmese battle against Kublai Khan that resulted in the break down of both the Burmese and the Angkorian defense system. When the Mongols raided Angkor during the reign of Jayavarman VIII, such coalition of the Angkorian defense system might still exist. However, after the Mongols' victory, Angkor was completely separated from its western ally by the the Tai coalition of northern Siam. The Mongols were then able to break-up the bond within the Cakravatin establishment and prepared for theirs next assaults. As all ties were broken loose, what we shall see was the total disintegration of Angkor's alliance. The Angkorian court was obviously no longer in strong position to control its vassal states and was vulnerable to attacks from many fronts. In parallel to the high stratum of political crisis, immigration added more strains to the problems. Under the Mongols' control, new frontiers were open-up for the nomad tribes of the Gobi Desert and Central China to look for better life-style. Their arrival to the southern tip brought more strength for local economical and political development to support new regional leadership, who in turn, paid tribute to the Great Khan. After his death, they were free and were provided with opportunities to build their own states. Angkor's worst nightmare was far to be over as its northern allies and enemies alike were set to claim theirs independence. Under their new nationalities, the Miens, the Tais and the Viet communities were turning rivals and looking to sustain their own autonomy they became looters. Even though Angkor was able to defend itself at first, serious damages had already been inflicted.
THE MONGOLS TARGETED ANGKOR
After stabilizing his relationship with Sokhodaya, the next critical alliance for the Great Khan to make was with Dai-viet. As we shall see, his affair with the latter was not smooth as he might hoped for. Through a series of hash battles, the mighty armies of the great Khan were worn out and Dai-viet had capitalized on it. The conquest of the southern Song Dynasty provided him with fresher but less experienced army recruits. From the land attack against Burma, the sea attack against Japan, Kublai Khan obviously came to realize that his armies, composed mostly of the new conquered Chinese soldiers, were no more invincible. With this realization, he became wiser and to the misfortune of Angkor, his next exploits were carried on with tact. To make-up with the downgrading of his military strength, the Great Khan gained the most blessed of the Chinese political skills to break down the next barriers. The divide and conquer strategy that had been long used by the Chinese court in regard to controlling the barbaric states of the south, might have been suggested by his Chinese advisors. It was up to the grand Khan who by now was sitting on the Chinese throne to follow the same tactful line.
The relationship between the Mongols and Dai-viet
Unlike Sokhodaya and the Thai pacts whom the Great Khan had full cooperation from the start, the Great Khan knew that Dai-viet was one of his major obstacles. Full aware of the Mongolian military tactics, Dai-viet was already well prepared to take advantage of the situation. On the other side, after a few failed attempts, the Mongols also knew that Dai-viet was not to be taken by a quick invasion. To understand these Mongols's complex relationship with Dai-viet, we need to trace back the beginning of Dai-viet's encounter with the Mongol's army.
Already in 1257 Uriyangadai (son of the famous Subotai who had led his army as far as Russia in 1222) had invaded northern Vietnam from the Red River valley and sent ambassadors to Tran Thai-tong, who took them prisoner. The Mongols had then descended towards the south as far as the capital, Dai-la, which they attacked in December, thus taking their revenge for the affront given to their envoys.
(MSEA: The Crisis of the Thirteenth Century and the Decline of Indian Cultural Influenece, P. 126) Obviously, the Great Khan knew then that he was not up to benefit alone from the alliance. Dai-viet soon managed to drive the Mongols out and the credit went to Tran Thai-tong 's heir apparent Tran Thanh-tong. After the victory, he was given the throne after his father's abdication. It was during his reign that the conflict over Champapura in 1268 began and Tran Thanh-tong went back to the Mongols for support. By then, evidences show that the great Khan had already full control of Nan-tchao, Sokhodaya and other new founded states of northern Siam (Sokhodaya: The Mongols' affairs: The pact between the Mongols and Sokhodaya). At the same time, the Mongols had already subdued the northern part of Burma and used it as a command post of the South. When Dai-viet complained to Kublai Khan of the attacks by Cambodia and Champa, the Great Khan recommended him to defend himself with the aid of Burmese contingents. Undestandably, the last campaign during the reign of Indravarman III by the coalition force of both Khmer and Champa troops in 1268, against Dai-viet ended in defeat. The victory over Champapura that resulted in weakening the latter for the take over, a decade later by the Mongols, did not however benefit Dai-viet. As the Great Khan had already his mind set on using Champapura for the next stage of his conquests, he would like to have this strategic location under his direct control instead of leaving it to Dai-viet. Left with empty hand, the latter broke its cooperation. The next successor of Tran Thanh-tong, Tran Nhan-tong carried on a hostile policy toward the Mongols and successfully repelled all Mongols' retaliation. With the disobedience of Dai-viet, the Great Khan would face serious setback and need to adjust his immediate plan to be able to carry on his next steps. Seeing Dai-viet as an obstacle but not an adversary, he postponed his southern conquest and shifted his focus on Central China. After successfully subduing the southern Song Dynasty, the Great Khan then moved on to request submission from Champapura by bypassing altogether its former ally, Dai-viet. Harideva who ascended the throne of Champa under the royal name of Jaya Simhavarman, changed his coronation name in 1266 to Indravarman V. Facing the Mongol's invasion, he welcomed the support from Dai-viet and sent four embassies there from 1266 to 1270. In 1278, then again in 1280, when he was pressured to present himself at the Mongol court at Peking, he avoided his personal meeting by sending embassies and presents. In 1281, Sogatu and Liu Shen were ordered to establish Mongol protectorate at Champa. It is important to note that during the same time, the Mongols was already about to succumb Pagan.
The Mongols took control of Champapura
Dispatched by General Sogatu, the Mongol Army invaded the north and center of Champa in 1283. The Cham people, under prince Harajit, son of the king, rose up to fight against the Mongol's establishment. Kublai Khan organized an expedition that lasted more than two years from 1283 to 1285. Using the wild mountain as refuge, the Chams could resist at best the Mongol invasion. The refusal of Dai-viet against the Mongol troops to pass through its territory created obstacles for the latter but did not stop the campaign. On his trip in the second half of the Thirteenth Century across the South China Sea, (The Advanture of Marco Polo, Edited by Richard J. Walsh), Marco Polo mentioned in his record, the fall of Champapura under the mighty attacks of the Mongol's army.
About the year 1278, Kublai (Khan), having received accounts of the great wealth of this (Champa) kingdom, resolved upon the measure of sending a large force, both infantry and cavalry, to effect the conquest of it. The country was accordingly invaded by the powerful army and placed under the command of one of his generals, named Sogatu. The king, whose name was Accambale, and who far advanced in years, feeling himself incapable of making resistance in the field to the force of the great Khan, retired to his strongholds, which afforded him security, and he there defended himself valiantly. The open towns, however, and habitations on the plain, were in the meantime overrun and laid waste, and the king perceiving that his whole territory would be ruined by the enemy, send ambassadors to the great Khan.
With the pledge of the Champa king, the great Khan stopped the attack and proceeded to the next step of his plan.
Upon receiving this proposal the great Khan, from motives of compassion, immediately sent orders to Sogatu for his retreat from thence with the force under his command, and directed him to proceed to the conquest of other countries.
After the death of Indravarman V, his son prince Harijit succeeded him under the name of Jaya Simhavarman III. With the Mongols looking to extend its control to the South China Sea from its military base at Champapura, the neighboring states saw the need to bow to Jaya Simhavarman III. After marrying a Javanese princess Tapasi, he married the sister of Dai-viet Emperor Tran Anh-tong, the princess Huyen Tran. However he needed to offer to Dai-viet in exchange, two Champa provinces in the north of the Col des Nuages. He died in the following year after erecting the temple of Po Klaung Garai at Phan Rang and the temple of Yang Prong at Darlac.
The Mongols took control of Rajapati
In conjunction with the plan to attack Angkor, the Great Khan had done what he could to get into Angkor. With his western front brought under control, the Mongols moved to occupy two northern strategic locations of the Khmer Empire (Sokhodaya: The Mongol's affair: The pact between the Mongols and Sokhodaya). One location was Pa-pai-si-fu, identified as Moang Yang or Rajapati where the Angkorian legacies had been established as a command-post of Angkor's northwestern dependency (Notes: Pa-pai-si-fu). The other location was Kin-tche, identified as Prajin-puri of the Khorat Plateau and located right at the doorstep of Angkor. Occupying Kin-tche would allow the Mongols to make their next move directly to Angkor (Notes: The occupation of the Khorat Plateau). The Yunnan chronicle provided clear indication that the Mongol's control at Pa-pai-si-fu and Kin-tche faced with many obstacles. As expected, Angkor and its allies at Pagan would make any attempts possible to fight off the Mongols' occupation from these two strategic locations. At Pa-pai, rebellions started to pop-up as soon as the Mongol's army was taking over.
In summer, the Pa-pai revolted and order was given to Ye-sien-pou-houa to submit.
Needless to say that the uprising of the Pa-pai-si-fu was not isolated and soon was followed by uprisings at Yunnan itself.
In the 3th year ta-to of Tcheng-tsong, year ki-hai (1299), Song Long-tsi, the indigenous chief of Chouei-si, at Yunnan, revolted; the prefet of Kouei-tcheou, Tchang Houei-to, died in combat; but the governor of Yunnan, Ma Kieou-eul, pursued and killed Sa-yue, one of the rebel chiefs, and decapitated five hundreds. (NCHAO: Gouverneurs generaux de la famille Toun)
Despite his effort, the Great Khan's attempt to put down uprisings failed and the unrest would jeopardize his southern conquest.
The 5th year ta-to (1301), the Kin-tche and the Pa-pai revolted, stopped sending tribute and killed the functionaries. The Yuan ordered the right general lieutenant Lieou Chen and Ha-la-tai, Tcheng Yeou and others to conduct an expedition against them. Lieou Chen having asked for help of Tsie, wife of Indigenous chief Choei-si, 3000 taels of golds and 3000 horses, the chief indigenous Song Long-tsi revolted and encircled Lieou Chen and his men at Kiong-kou. The prince of Leang, Kouo-kou, went to theirs help.
(NCHAO: Gouverneurs generaux de la famille Toun) Apparently the rebellions took a toll against the Mongols and there were signs of lost interests to keep continuing.
In winter there was a big earthquake, the censor Tchen Tien-siang spoke to the emperor against the barbarians of the southwest, but to no avail. (NCHAO: Gouverneurs generaux de la famille Toun)
The next expedition sent to Pa-pai-si-fu in 1303 faced a serious setback and was called off (Notes: The end of the Mongol's control of the Khorat plateau). As expected, the blame game soon followed but Lieou Chen, the right hand general Lieutenant got his pardon and the favor of keeping his charge. On the other hand the left-hand minister of State Ha-la-souen recharged the accusation. Arguing that Lieu Chen had only think about his own fortune and had caused the destruction of the army and, in consequence, dishonored the empire, he requested the emperor the death penalty for Lien Chen. (NCHAO: Gouverneurs generaux de la famille Toun)
THE LAST OF THE ANGKORIAN COURT
During the next exploit of the Great Khan, the Angkorian Empire felled into obscurity. Even though there are evidence that constructions were still under ways, only few inscriptions were erected to give us flurry information about the fate of the Angkorian court. As expected, they reveal no glory of the Angkorian monarchs to come. During Indravarman III' s reign, few evidences show that Angkor, in coalition with Pagan, was still fighting against the Mongols with audacity. After the lost of Pagan, Jayavarman VIII continued to resist the Mongol's invasion until his court was brought down by the usurpation of his son-in-law. When Chou-Ta-Kuan visited Angkor in 1296, during the reign of King Srindravarman, evidences show that Angkor already lost the war. From his record, Chou-Ta-Kuan clearly indicated that that anarchy had settled in during the last previous reigns, as Angkor incurred both internal crisis and attacks from Siam (Sokhotai).
Indravarman III (?-1243)
Among the sons of Jayavarman VII, Indravaraman III was likely the son of the queen Rajendradevi. Before his ascension to the Angkorian throne, inscriptions had mentioned that he was a governor of Lavo and the temple of Banteay Chmar was likely still constructed under his watch. According to the Chinese and Vietnamese sources, the last campaigns against Dai-viet were conducted in 1216 and 1218 during the early years of his reign. The Khmer armies descended on Ghe-an, coming through Champa along with a contingent of Champa troop. This was perhaps the last attack on Dai-Viet by the coalition's forces of Khmer and Champa troops. With the Mongols support, Dai-Viet used Pu-kam troops to repel the attack and to launch assaults on Champapura. After severe casualties, the Angkorian Empire withdrew its troops from the eastern coast and left Champapura to the mercy of the Dai-Viet. Shortly after, the Angkorian king delegated the throne of Vijaya to Angsaraja who became king under the name of Paramamesvaravarman II. Facing with hostilities from the northeast, evidence show that Indravaraman III concentrated his effort at the west and Lopburi became his strategic headquarters. In the Chu-fan-chih, published in 1225, Chao ju-kua compiled a new list of the Angkorian Empire's dependencies that included:
Teng-liu-mei, Po-ssu-lan, Lo-hu, San-lo, Chen-li-fu, Pu-kan, Wali, Sipeng, Tu-huai-sun.
Comparing with the old list of Angkor's dependency, we could see Indravarman III gained Sipeng, but lost Ma-lo-wen, Lu Yang and Tun-li-fu. The lost territories could be identified (tentatively) as three northern localities in close vicinity to Yunnan: Mara, Muang Yang or Pukha, and Ta-li. The finding agrees with the historical fact that the Great Khan had recently succeeded to take control of Yunnan and made his way toward Angkor. We could see that among the rest of the dependencies, Pagan (Pu-kan) and Siam (San-lo) were still under the Angkorian control. It could be checked out by Khmer inscriptions that the dependency last at least during his last attack on Dai-Viet. After increasing Mongol's pressure, Indravarman III however had to set free the control of Northern Siam to the new emerged Ruang dynasty. An inscription of Angkor (Inscriptions d'Angkor, Finot) gives the date of his death at 1243.
Jayavarman VIII (1243-1295)
At the Angkorian court, Jayavarman VIII succeeded Indravarman III, perhaps not immediately. During his reign, the Mongols had made their move toward Angkor, although in a rather benign fashion. The depiction on the wall of Angkor Thom about the battle between the Angkorian troops and the Cham armies might had been done after the Mongol's attack during the reign of Jayavarman VIII. The depiction clearly shows that the attack (attacks?) was conducted by both land and water and that Angkor received the victory over the Cham armies, a good commemoration for the next generation to see. Contrary to common belief that the building of Angkor Thom was done all at once during the reign Jayavarman VII, evidences show that constructions were still carried on during the next reigns. Chou Ta Kuan mentioned in his record that Angkor Thom was still in fine shape, a century later after it was built during the reign of Jayavarman VII. We came to the conclusion that the depiction was done during the reign of Jayavarman VIII and it was about the Mogols' attack on Angkor. As depicted, it was defeated and, as mentioned in Chou Ta Kuan's records, among the Mongol chiefs who were not accounted for after the attcked, were a chief of a hundred and a chief of a thousand. One might notice Mongoloid faces among the commanders of the Cham armies fighting the Angkorian troops. After establishing his control over Champapura, Kublai Khan sent many of his officers, apparently leading Cham contingents to attack Angkor by land and by boat. In correlation with the Yunnan chronicle, the attack by land must to be carried through Pa-pai-si-fu, identified as Moung Yang, and Kin-tche, identified as the Khorat Plateau, as we had seen that both locations were under the control of the Mongols at the time. Jayavarman VIII who won the battle obviously took the opportunity to depict it on the wall of his palace. Nevertheless, it was too soon to celebrate the victory, as the Great Khan would not accept his defeat easily. According to Chou Ta Kuan's record, Angkor was soon fell into internal crisis and this time construction must to suffer the consequence. The unfinished parts of Angkor Thom that were left undone might be caused by the outcome of internal unrest, but evidences show that maintenance works still continued on.
Srindravarman (?-1307)
An Inscription of the temple of Banteay Srey (NIC II: Incription de Banteay Srei K569, Savaros Pou) introduced him as a son in law of Jayavarman VIII.
The Highness Sri Srindravarmandeva, lined from the country of Srestavarmanvaya and the country of Srindrapura Krtajnapura, was crowned as Yuvaraja (heir) with the highness Sri Srindrabhupesvarcuda who was the daughter of the king as spouse, under the reign of the Highness Jayavarmandeva Paramesvarapada.
The record of Chou Ta-kuan moreover provides an elaborate picture about him.
The new prince is the son-in-law of the former. He was a military general. The father-in-law loved his daughter; the daughter stole the golden sword from him and took it to her husband. But then the son deprived of succession plotted to raise troops. The new prince learned of this, cut off the son's toes, and him up in a dungeon.
Chou Ta-kuan recorded the hash situation of the country preventing the previous king to set foot outside of his domain in fear of personal attack. It was happening during the Mongol's incursion until Sindravarman usurped the Angkorian throne from the rightful heir of Jayavarman VIII. Apparently the situation had changed for Srindravarman, thank to the armored vest he was wearing.
The new king wears armored vest made of Iron. No weapon can piece through it. That was why he was not afraid to go out.
Contrary to the traditional Southeast Asian armies that relied mostly on gut and merit for protection, the Mongol armies wore armor vests in combat that proved to be much more reliable. This fact explained the victory of a smaller Mongol's army over a larger Pagan troops in the fight. Obviously, Sindravarman was the first Khmer general to realize that his armored vest was far better than his own merit. Undoubtedly a gift from the great Khan, the armored vest protected him from personal assault and set him free to roam the country. However, that protection failed to keep him in power for long. Shortly after the visit of Chou Ta-kuan and following the decline of the Mongol Empire, inscriptions mentioned that his reign was cut short. He abdicated in favor of the prince heir (Yuvaraja) and retired (or was forced to retreat) into the forest.
THE SOUTHERN ESCAPE
Under increasing attacks of the Mongols and Sokhodaya, Angkor was already bleeding. Evidences show that Indravarman III and the next Angkorian monarchs shifted their strategic military and political center to the west. During the reign of Jayavarman VIII, the Mongols along with Sokhodaya already stripped Angkor of its northern strategic locations. After the fall of Rajapati it was clear that the Mongols next step was Angkor itself. The first assault, conducted during the reign of Jayavarm VIII was met with strong resistance and indications show that the Mongols suffered serious casualty. Nevertheless, many more assaults would be expected and as long as Rajapati was still under the Mongols, the Angkorian court was surely less secured of its position at Angkor. Under these circumstances, it is obvious that Sri Dharmaraja became their last safe refuge and their last open door to the sea trade.
The reestablishment of Sri Dharmaraja
A part of the Angkorian Empire, Sri Dharmaraja became the refuge of the Angkorian court mentioned as "Lohac" in the record of Marco Polo. In accord with the survey, the chronicle of Sri Dharmaraja recounted the reestablishment of Nokor Sri Dharmaraja by a ruler from Angkor.
There was another ruler named dav Sri Dharmaraja, who was ruler of moan Indapataraja. His younger brothers were named dav Candabhanu and dav Bansasura. Accompagned by his family, subjects, elephants and horses he fled on epidemic and wandered in the forests for eight or nine years. (The Christal sands, The Chronicles of Sri Dharmaraja, David K. Wyatt)
As Indrapataraja was a reference to the Angkorian kingdom of Kamboja, Sri Dharmasokaraja was obviously a reference to an Angkorian monarch of direct descendant from Jayavarman VIII. The passage mentioned about an epidemic outbreak that forced Sri Dharmasokaraja to reestablish his court out of the Menam Valley. We shall see later that they had to move further south into the ancient site of Mahidhara. It proves however to be just a short relief. From the southern provinces of China and Champapura, the Mongols already built up their powerful fleets and were ready to set sail to the South China Sea. On his surveillance trip, shortly after the fall of Chapapura to the Great Khan, Marco polo did not mention about Angkor in his record but roughly about Lavo.
Upon leaving Champa, and steering a seven hundred miles, you fall in with two islands, the larger of which is named Sondur, and the other Kondur. Both being uninhabited, it is unnecessary to say more respecting them. Having run the distance of hive hundred miles from these islands, in the southwesterly direction, you reach an extensive and rich province that forms a part of the main land, and is named Lohac. Its inhabitants are idolaters. They have a language peculiar to themselves, and are governed by their own king, who pays no tribute to any other, the situation of the country being such as to protect it from any hostile attack. Were it assailable, the great Khan would not have delayed to bring it under his dominion. In this country sampan or brazil wood is produced in large quantities. Gold is abundant to a degree scarcely credible; elephants are found there; and the objects of the chase, either with dogs or birds, are in plenty. From hence are exported all those porcelain shells, which, being carried to other countries, are there circulated for money, as has been already noticed. Here they cultivate a species of fruit called berchi, in size about of a lemon, and having a delicious flavor.
From the description, Lohac appeared to be at the southwest of Poulo Condo islands and located on the Malay peninsular. As had always been in Chinese texts, Lohac was the Chinese reference to Lavo and Marco polo must to hear the name from his Chinese crewmen and took the Malay peninsular as part of that country. Although there were setbacks due to accessibility, his records already concluded that the presence of the Great Khan was already felt among the principal sea countires of the south. The record about Lohac ends with a grim remark about the faith of that country.
Besides these circumstances, there is nothing further that requires mention, unless it be that the country is wild and mountainous, and is little frequented by stranger, whose visits the king discourages, in order that his treasures and other secret matters of his realm may be little known to the rest of the world.
As Lohac (Lavo) was in seclusion and in order to safeguard his treasures and other state secrets, the king discouraged any contact with outsiders. What Marco Polo did not mention was that the discretion was particularly enforced against him. As a delegate of the great Khan himself, his trip was clearly a mission of reconnaissance to provide the great Khan an assessment of his authority. His report undoubtedly pleased the Great Khan for many strategic sites of the southern sea had already pledged allegiance. The Angkorian Empire was clearly isolated and left suffocated for good.
The Kingdom of Singhasri
The exodus of the Chola Empire from both India and Java to join the Sri Vijaya, in the Angkorian court left Java to be a breeding ground of local developments. In the history of Java, the emergence of new leadership after the reign of Kritajaya in 1222, soon replaced the Cholan legacies of the ancient past. Two chronicles, the Nagarakritagam of Prapancha (1365) and the Paraton (End of 15th century) detail the origin of the next authoritarian figure named Angrok to start a new line of Javanese rulers. According to the chronicles, Angrok was a son of peasants and after spending most of his youth as a highway robber, he entered the service of Tungul Ametung, a governor of Tumapel. After assassinating Tungul, he then proclaimed himself king under the name Rajasa and took the wife of the slain governor named Dedes to be his own. After a reign of six years, Rajasa was himself assassinated in 1227 by the instigation of Anushapati, son of queen Dedes and the former governor. Anushapati, reigned until 1248, and was in his turn assassinated by Tohjaya, son of Rajasa and a concubine. Tohjaya reigned a few months and died in 1248 in a palace revolt fomented by his two nephews. The two princes reigned together, the first under the name of Vishnuvardhana and the second under the name of Narasimphamurti. The main event of the reign of Vishnuvardhana (1248-68) was the repression of the revolt of a certain Lingapati. By 1254, he turned over the power to his son who reigned under the name of Kritanagara. It was under his reign that the capital Kutaraja changed its name to Sighasari. At his death in 1268, he was deified to be of Siva at Waleri and in the form of Amoghapasa at Jajaghu. According to Kritanagara chronicle, the reign of Kritanagara (1268-1292) was seen with series of expansion. The chronicle, however, leaves out some important facts about the intervention of the Great Khan, in the formation of the South China sea vassalage. Looking closely, Kritanagara' s exploit was in tune with the Mongols' control of Champapura. A Javanese princess sent to be the consort of the Champapura King, Jaya Simhavarman III, might have been from his court. Along with Champapura, Kritanagara took advantage of the Mongol's support to wage his own campaigns. According to the Pararaton, the expansion of Kritanagara left his own country unprepared for internal affairs. To make the matter worst, his pride led him to repulse the control of Kublai Khan that was crucial in keeping vassal countries in subordination. Jayakatong of Kediri, the former rival country of Singhasari, was the first to revolt against Kritanagara in 1292. When the Great Khan sent a fleet in 1293, to punish Kritanagara of his un-subordination, Jayakaton already assassinated him. With clever maneuvering, a son-in-law of the slain Kritanagara, Raden Vijaya managed to gain trust from the victor and to serve in his court under certain discretion. When the Mongols' army arrived, Raden Vijaya managed to instigate their commander to attack and kill Jayakaton and after it was done he then turned against them. The surprise attack inflicted heavy casualty to the Mongol's army, forcing them to sail back home.
THE FALL OF ANGKOR
The great Khan used his southern allies to break through the natural barrier against his last standing southern rival. Already wounded by the attack from the Cham armies, the Angkorian court was to face another ally of the Great Khan, the Siam. Chou Ta-kuan had indicated that during the war with Siam, the country was devastated. Under the pressure, internal conflicts gave way and the falling of the Angkorian Empire was a matter of time. Evidence shows that during the visit of Chou Ta-kuan, the legitimate Angkorian court had already succumbed under the spell of the Mongols. Chou Ta-kuan quoted in his record that he was part of the delegation sent by the Yuan Dynasty to visit the Angkorian court. One of theirs missions was to inquire about the fate of two Mongol officers. Sent by the general Chun-tov, stationed at Champapura to the Angkorian site, the two Mongol officers Hou-fou pa-hou (Chief of Hundred) and Kiu-pai tsien-hou (Chief of thousands) undoubtedly leaded the Cham armies against Jayavarman VIII and had never returned home. The rest of the record provides a comprehensive survey of the Angkorian kingdom. Besides describing its cultures and traditions, Chou Ta-kuan also recorded the political situation of the country. From the information, we could draw a clear picture about the fate of the Angkorian court during the last exploit of the great Khan.
The open market
Contrary to previous observations of Marco Paulo that Lohac and subsequently the Angkorian Empire was in seclusion, Chou Ta-kuan noted that the Angkorian court, during the reign of Srindravarman, had open-up its policy to outside world. One of the immediate results was the influx of Chinese merchants to look for opportunities in the open market.
Merchants of ethnic Chinese, when arriving to this country liked it very much. There is no need to use much clothing, the rice is abundant, the house is easily built, commodity is easily got and trade is no hassle. That is why many people came from elsewhere to settle in this country.
As Khmer women were mostly engaged in commerce, continues the record, it was a common strategy for Chinese merchants to marry Khmer wives first. Needless to say, theirs Khmer wives would blend them into khmer societies. Another passage indicates that they were receiving special treatment from the Angkorian court.
The high official of the court and royal members could wear clothes with clear design. The palace's people only could wear clothes with double designs. For the general people, only women are allowed. A Chinese man who arrived recently, wore material with double design, but he was not arrested since they considered him as not knowing the local law.
As they moved to blend in with the high societies, they received higher regards from the people, as well as from the court.
The irony of "pramat pramang"
The word "pramat pramang" meaning the bile collectors, is a Khmer word that still inflicts fear and created nightmare among Cambodians to last until today. Chou ta-Kuan witnessed the measures of collecting human bile during his visit and fully described the process in his record.
Before, at the eighth month, there were measures to catch people for their bile. It was because the king of Champa requested a vase of bile that counted many thousands. At night, the bile collectors patrolled the street. If they met people, they caught them. They used rope to tighten their head and used small knives to cut under their right armpit to extract their bile and filled the vase. When the vase is full, they sent it for tribute to the Champa king.
The vase of bile that was part of the tribute to the Champa King who either turned it to the great Khan or kept for himself, was obviously contributing among many other factors, to the downward spiral of Khmer morale. It reveals the political shift of the Angkorian court toward the Mongols and limited itself to be a vassal of Champapura where Jaya Simhavarman III was receiving full support from the Mongols. Jaya Simhavarman III was the Champa king in Chou Ta-kuan's record who requested the vase of bile as tribute from Srindravarman. Chou Ta-kuan and his compatriot Chinese immigrants had no reason to fear since they knew that they were not targeted.
They do not take the bile of Chinese people, because one time they took the bile of a Chinese man and mixed with the others, all bile in the vase were spoiled and were rejected.
This scheme of excluding Chinese bile in the collection was obviously set to protect Chinese merchants, as they were encouraged to stay at the country. The measure is more likely originated from the Chinese court and was designed to break the spirit of the losing party during a war. For a time, the general people treated the Chinese as some sort of God or Buddha, mentioned in another passage. After it came out to the open, no one dared to walk at night. To fill the vase, other drastic arrangements had to be implemented.
Later they assigned special officials to collect the bile from subordinate people. It was carried on at the suburb region of the northern gate.
Evidence show that Cambodia was not alone to endure the hash treatment from the great Khan who was famous for his overly generosity toward friends and inhuman punishments toward his enemies. The fears of the bile collectors are also fresh among the indigenous tribes of the Sarawak country in the island of Borneo, then part of Sri Dharmaraja that fell into the control of the Great Khan through the control of Java and Champapura.
Reference:
  • ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  • MSEA: The Making of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  • ESBH: BEFEO 28: The early Syam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce
  • GPC: The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma, translated by Pe Mong Tin and G. H. Luce
  • NCHAO: Histoire particuliere du Nan-Tchao, by Yang Chen, Translated by Camille Sainson
  • HI: History of Indonesia Early and Medieval, by B. R. Chatterji
    • Notes:
    1. Chronology
      1222: Angrok formed a new line of Javanese kings; 1243-1295: Reign of Jayavarman VIII; 1253: Kublai Khan took control of Yunnan; 1254-1292: Reign of Kritanagara at Sighasari; 1257: Kublai attempted to invade Dai-Viet; 1271: Kublai established the Yuan Dynasty; 1279: Kublai took control of China; 1283: The Mongols took control of Champapura; 1287: Fall of Pagan; 1287: Mangrai, Ngam Muang, and Rama Kamhaeng formed the Tai pact; 1292: Kritanagara was killed; 1296: Chou-Ta-Kuan visited Angkor; 1303: The Mongols pulled out from Rajapati (Pa-pa-sfu and Kin-tche).
    2. Pa-pi-si-fu
      Pa-pai-si-fu was identified at first to be Xiang-mai where the three brothers came from to take control of both Pagan and the Shan countries. We shall see that not only the identification was wrong, but the speculation about the whole dynamic of the Mongol's incursion in regard to Lannatai's resistance was wrong. As we have argued, Rama-kamheang and his friend were not fighting against the Mongols, but instead fought alongside the Mongols against Angkor. As to the identification of Pa-pai-si-fu, the Yunnan chronicle provides us with valuable clue: in one of the Mongols' campaigns to establish the district of Tcho-li in 1296, the text mentioned Pa-pai (Pa-pai-si-fu) to be included in the same district.
      The 2nd Year Yuan-tchen of Tcheng-tsong, year Ping-chen (1296), was established the district of Tcho-li, to include the Pa-pai and Kiuan-ya.
      Tcho-li is identified as Sip-song-pannas where Xiang-rung or Muang Yang was part of it implicating that Pa-pai must to be Xiang-rung or Muang Yang. We had seen that Moang Yang had been always Angkor's strategic location concerning its northern border. In connection with Rajapati, we know that it was under Sri Jayamangalarthadeva, the royal guru of Jayavarman VII. It explains why the Mongols were having hard time to contain it.
    3. Kin-tche
      The Chinese word "Kin-tche", meaning the golden country, is by all-means a Chinese reference to Kin-cheng or Kin-lin. We know about them in Chinese texts, since the start of the Funan era mentioned to be the location that the Funan ruler Fan Man was trying to conquer, during the last days of his life. We have then identified it as Prachinpuri of the Khorat plateau (Kamboja: The Funan Kings: Fan Man). Identifying Kin-tche to be Prachinpuri at the Khorat Plateau, seams to be far fetched since scholars never come close to the idea that the Mongols were at the door step of Angkor.
    4. The conrol of the Khorat Plateau
      In contrast to common belief that Sokhodaya had control of the Khorat Plateau, evidences show that most territory claimed by Ramakamheang to be under his suzerainty was in fact under the Mongols' tight control. The Yunnan chronicle does provide us proofs that not only Sokhodaya cooperated with the Great Khan, but that it was the Great Khan himself who did most of the conquests against Angkor' s territory, including the campaign against both Pa-pai-si-fu and Kin-tche.
    5. The end of the Mongol's control of Rajapati
      The Nan-tchao chronicle is not specific about the Mongols' withdraw from the Pa-pai-fu and Kin-tche in 1303. However we know that during the time, Angkor was incurring internal crisis. Evidences also suggest that the new usurper king Srindravaraman had already pledged allegiance to the Great Khan. Still, the Great Khan abandoned the plan of directly controlling Angkor through Rajapati and instead established Angkor' s vassalage through Champapura.
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