Dvaravati

Project: Dvaravati
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: August/01/2005
Last updated: October/01/2008
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed. Please kindly notify me of the discrepancies.


INTRODUCTION
The existence of Dvaravati was confirmed by a coin bearing "Lord of Dvaravati" found at Nakhon Pathon south of Lopbori. Unlike other cities where the site could be located, Dvaravati was no where to be identified. It could be that Dvaravati, like Takkola, was the ream of the ancient Hiong-wang Empire and a reminiscence of the ancient Mahidhara. It was assumed by modern scholars to be centered around Lopbori where the coin was founded. However its actual center was undoubtedly located on a small island of the Praya River that was becoming the city of Sri Ayuthya during the emerging of Siam Country in the fourteenth century. The city bore its official name as the "Dvaravati Sri Ajudya" until present day. Found in the epic "Mahabharata", Dvaravati was the city of the nagas and was believed to be under water. The Mahidhara of the Bay of Bandon matches exactly the description, even-though Dvaravati is still thought to be located around Gujarat. To reflect back (The Saka Connection), the connection between Gujarat and the Southeast Asian Dvaravati dated from the arrival of the Sakas by both land and sea route.
The Mon's legacy of Dvaravati
Uncovered objects at different sites gave clue to the distribution of Dvaravati culture of the time. It covered the central plain of modern Thailand and extended westward to the Bay of Bengal, and Northward up to the Chaopraya River Valley. Inscriptions in old Mon language found in the Menam Valley, attest the predominance of the Mon Language at the region. The association of Dvaravati to the Mon country is however contradicting, since the Mon themselves acknowledge their culture to be originated at Tathon and not at Dvaravati. Looking closely, the inscriptions of the old Mon Language that were dated from the era used the same scripture in Khmer Inscription of Han Chey which is none other that the ancient Khmer scripture. The language of the inscriptions that scholars attributed to the old Mon Language was in fact a derivative of the Kamara Language under the ruling of the Chenla Empire. It was the language of the Kam/Khmer Culture, the immediate preceptor of both modern Khmer and Mon cultures.
THE LEGACY OF THE NAGA CULTURE
Santannaga (Santan-naga) meaning the naga clan, was referring to the stronghold of the nagas and could be the same as Guchanagapura mentioned in a Khmer inscription, found at the site of Ayudhya. A passage of the inscription provides a glimpse about the ancient naga kingdom.
In the Bhuja (naga) world, the first king of Guchanagapura was Sri Bhuja Bhagadatta.
The history of the Liang mentioned that a ruler of Lang-ya-hsu (Langkasuka) with a name of Chinese transcription of "Bhagadatta" had sent an embassy to the Chinese court around 515. He was undoubtedly the same Bhagadatta of the inscription of Ayudhya, the ruler of the Guchanagapura. As the inscription was found at the ancient city of Ayudhya, Guchanaga was undoubtedly the capital of Dvaravati and was the precursor of Ayudhya.
The Guchanaga Identity
The Guchanaga (Gucha-naga) was a branch of the naga societies that represents itself with the symbol of elephant (Guja or Gujala in Sanskrit). Information about Kolagujala was found in Chinese Texts recorded during the Tang Dynasty, under the name of Kola.
Kolo was also called Kolo-fu-sha-lo. The name of the king is Shih-li-po-lo, his personal name is Mi-Shih-po-lo. The walls of the city are built of stones and the houses are covered with palm leaves. There is 24 chou.
The Chinese word "Kolo-fu-sha-lo" is the transcription of the Sanskrit word Kolagujala, meaning the Elephant Race. The text mentions that the name of the king was "Shih-li-po-lo" and his personal name was "Mi-Shih-po-lo". Scholars agreed that the two names should be combined to be "Shih-li-po-lo-Mi-Shih-po-lo" which is a Chinese transcription of "Sri Paramesvara"(JA 1919: Le Kouen-Louen: Appendix II Ko-lo-Fou-cha-la, Bgabriel Ferrand). As we shall see, Sri Paramesavara would become the God King of the Angkorian Kings, descendants of Kaundinya and the Nagi Princess (Cakravatin: LCM). At that moment, Paramesavara was referred to a son of Khun Borom mentioned in the Tai tradition as Khun Inh to rule over Sri Ayudhya and Lavo. The next passage describes army recruits of Guchanaga that were very much resembling the army troops depicted on the wall of the Angkor Wat under the label of Siam Kuti (Nokor Wat: Maha Nokor: The Siam Kut).
Soldiers used bows and arrows, spears and javelins. They decorated themselves with peacock feathers. At war one hundred elephants constitute one company, with a hundred men for each elephant. The transport cabin mounted on top of the elephant resembles a cage, with four men inside, carrying bows and spears.
As to the people, they were Austroasiatic stock speaking Mon Language and their culture is very much the same as the northern Siam and the rest of Dvaravati (Notes: Siam's people). One important characteristic of the culture is the cremation of the dead and the ashes are preserved in urn that is consistent with the Kamara Culture.
The taxes are two shu of silver. There is no silk and cannabis, but only cotton. They raised a lot of cattle and a few horses. Only the officials had the right to raise horses. When a man take a wife, he should give present of batel nuts, sometime to 200 pots. After the wedding the wife follows the husband family. The music instruments are the pipa (guitare) and the heng li(flute), the cymbal in Bronze, an iron drum and calabas. The dead are burnt, the aches preserved, kept in golden urn, and threw in the sea. Their cultures are the same as Chih-tu and Toholo.
THE CHENLA CONNECTION
The conquest of Dvaravati, during the reign of Bhavavarman, marked another turning point of Khmerization to the West. A passage of a Mon chronicle (Khmer=Kham: Chatra Premridi) attributed the founding of most cities in the Menam Valley to king Pyakalavannatisaraja of Takkasila Mahanagara.
In 1002 of Budhhist Sakaraja, the king Pyakalavannatisaraja, son of Pya Kakaphaktra, ruled over Takkasila Mahanokor. He commissioned his court to build the city of Lavo, taking 19 years to finish. After it was done, he commissioned the Pya to build other cities all over the places. They went on (to build) Dvarapuri, Santanaha, AChe, Kusamati ...
His royal title Pyakalavannatisaraja reveals that he was a Pya or Saka stock. As to his ancestors, Khmer tradition attributes King Tisaraja as a descendent of king Ajiraja. The chronicle dated the event in 1002 of Buddhist era (459 AD), an approximation of the Jayavarman Kaundinya reign over Kamboja. The text mentioned that he was the king of Takkasila Mahanagara or Hiong-wang in Chinese texts. The first city to be built, says the chronicle, was Lavo and took 19 years to build. Next were the cities of Dvarapuri, Santanaha, AChe, Kusamati. The first two cities could be identified with Dvaravati and Santan-naga of the Menam valley while AChe was the same as Atche of Sumatra and Kusamati with Hangsavati of the Irrawaddy Delta. We had seen that most of these cities were already been there from the Funan era, their association to Pyakalavannatisaraja in the Mon tradition might mean instead his conquest and the reconstruction after the attack. If the date of the story line is accurate, the attack clearly preceded the reign of Bhavavarman which collaborate the Khmer Tradition that the attack against the Thong (Kaundinya) dynasty was done instead by the Cham kings. Bhavavarman and his brother Citrasena were to benefit from the attack and built the Chenla Empire during the final stage of the conquest.
The Pyu Identity of King Bhavavarman
As we had seen, King Bhavavarman was known in the Mon Tradition as a Pya named Kalavanntisa and in Khmer Tradition as Pya Krek. The Khmer-mon word "Pya" was a transcription of the word "Pyu" also known in Chinese as Piao. The Pyus were among earlier migrants from Central Asia into the footstep of Himalaya and of Southern China. They are known also as the leaders of the Mien tribesmen speaking Sino-Burman tongue. Theirs original homeland at Central Asia where the Koshan Empire emerged as the eastern Saka is checked out by score of Koshan's legacies found among the Pyu Tradition. For instance, the Saka era which started at 78 AD during the reign of Kanishka was also known as the Pyu era. They were known as fervent Buddhists of Mahayana sect founded by Kanishka. The same as the Jins and the Sakas, the Pyus claimed the kinship of their kings with Buddha Gautama that might be true considering the fact that they shared the same Meru lineage at the start. Through time and space, the Kambojan and the Koshan branches of the Skaka leadership diverged and became rivals. The complexity of theirs relationship created the dynamic evolution of Southeast Asia during the last two millenniums. During the rising of the Chenla Empire, the Chams or the southern Pyus were mostly Visnuite and fought against the Kamboja and Khmer alliance. The Pyus were soon converted to Hinayana Buddhism along with theirs king Bhavavarman who married a Kambojan princess named Kambojarajalaksmi. The Angkorian title "Narapati", as we shall see, was referring to the governor's title of a unified Pyu State often called Nararatha. In post Angkorian era, the word "Pya" and "Pon-gna" became a Khmer Title of court officials up to the King himself who, as we shall see, had close connection with the court of Pagan. Evidence through Chinese texts mentioning about a number of Ho families settling in Tian-sun after the Christian era indicates the start of the Pyu migration into Irrawadi Valley following the invasion of the Koshans into the Indian continent.
Bhavapura as the birth place of the Santhap-amarindra 's dynasty
An inscription recently discovered on the site of Sri Tep, in the valley of Nam Saka at the heart of Menam Valley, attested the ruling of king Bhavavarman I, a descendant of Kaundinya at the region. It was undoubtedly the city of Bhavapura where, according to the inscription of Mi-son, the first Kaundinya marked his territory by throwing the lance received from Aswathaman, son of Drona (BEFEO t. IV: Les Inscription de Mi-Son, Louis Finot). Another inscription relates Bhavapura to Shrestapura, the city founded by Shrestavarman identified as no other than the Lawa country or Lavo. As a military command post of the Khmer Empire, Lavo was obviously the first target of the Chenla Clan. It was first in the Mon's list of Pya Kalavantissa's cities to be built or (more correctly speaking) conquered. The fact that it received the name of Bhavapura indicates that it was the city that Bhavavarman took control and turned it into his own domain. From Lavo, he went on conquering other cities in the list and established the Chola legacy of Prey Nokor. It was here also that he presumably met and married the queen Kambojarajalaksmi, lined from Shrestavaman. To commemorate the new line of kings, the dynasty of Santhap-amarindra, he established a new era at 638 AD as the Chola Sakaraja. In both Siam and Burmese Tradition, the Chola Sakaraja was observed faithfully indicating the continuance of the same line of kings from Lavo to Pagan later in history (Ramandesa:LCM). As the word "Santhap" or "Ganthap" was a derivative from "Ganthara" and the word "Amarindra" was a combination of the word "Amara" or "Kamara" with the word "Indra" the dynastic title was simply referring to the Kamara line of Kings over Gandhara of the Kamboja Kingdom. This line of kings as we shall see, by the formation of the Angkorian Cakravatin Empire, would play important role in the history of the mainland Indochina in the next centuries to come.
Sri Ksetra or Ramavati
According to the Burmese tradition, the founder of Sri Ksetra was Dattabaung, which in Pyu language meant "the great king" or Maharaja in Sanskrit. On the other hand, the Mon chronicle referred to him as Dattabaung Rama or Maharaja Rama in Sanskrit. According to Ramayana epic, Rama was an avatar of Vishnu living in Sri Adyudhia and had no relationship whatsoever with the people of Dvaravati who were fervent Buddhist. It was perhaps Bhavavarman himself who, during his high expansion under the Visnuite zeal, had established many localities along both the Irrawati and the Menam's valley which lead us to believe that Sri Ksetra was then also named Ramavati. The Mon identity, a derivative from the Visnuite hero "Rama" or "Rammana" might had been dated from this period. However, score of evidence show that Dvaravati still hold-on to its rich Naga tradition of the Khmer-mon legacies. The Pyu word "Dattabaung" could be a derivative of the Sanskrit word "Datta-vamsa" and was a royal title of a naga king. It is consistent with the Ayudhya's past legacy of Guchanaga's reference to theirs king as "Bhagadatta". The foundation of Sri Ksetra could also be checked out by Chinese sources; it was referred as "She-li-cha-to-lo" by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrims Hsuan-tsabg and I-tsing (see note on Sri Ksetra). In the Sin Tang Chou record (BEFEO IV: Deux Itinaraires de Chine en Inde, Paul Pelliot), there are mentioning of many vassals of Sri Ksetra, among them Mi-tchen and Tchouan-lo-po-ti. The next passage of the same record, Mi-tchen was mentioned to be next to the Kingdoms of Kun-lun.
From Mi-tchen, we arrive at Kouen-lang where lived the tribes of small Kun-lun; the king was named Mang-si-yue; the customs are the same as Mi-tchen. De Kouen-lang we arrive at Lou-yu that was the kingdom of the king of grand Kun-lun. The king was named Seu-li-po-po-na-ta-chan-na. The plain is bigger than Mi-tchen. From the place where lived the small king of Kunlun we arrive in a half-day at Tcha of Moti-pa.
Of the Kingdoms of Kun-lun, there is clear indication that there are the small Kun-lun and the grand Kun-lun. Malayu (lo-yue in Chinese) was mentioned as the kingdom of the grand Kun-lun king or maharaja and could be identified without doubt to Mahidhara. The association of the grand Kun-lun to Mahidhara leaves the small Kun-lun to be associated with Coladhara where at the time was located at Prey-nokor. The two vassals Sri Ksetra, Mi-tchen and Tchouan-lo-po-ti were at the west of the Kun-lun Kingdoms. Another hint of Mi-tchen is found in the Man-chou to be located at the end of the river Irravadi (Li-Chooei in Chinese Text) (BEFEO IV: Deux Itinaraires de Chine en Inde: P. 170, Paul Pelliot). From these descriptions, we are confident enough to identify Mi-chen as a Chinese reference to Hamsavati in ancient time. Hamsavati was an offshoot of Malayu founded at the Irravadi's delta and was mentioned to have to same culture as the small Kun-lun or Khmer Kingdom. On the other hand, Tchouan-lo-po-ti could be a Chinese transcription of Chonpuri or the city of the Chuang (Tchouan in Chinese) Dyansty. This arrangement might have been dated before the collapse of the Kambojan Empire when Angkorpuri or Rajapuri was its capital. Under the Kambojan king, Chonpuri and Malayu were two of Angkorpuri's Vassals. Delegated to Prah Thong, Angkorpuri ceased to retain its past importance after the Khmer King had moved his court to Lavo (Nokor Khmer: The Siam Country: Lawaratha or Lavo). Under the new development, Guchanaga became the new resident of the Chenla King Bhavavarman at Lavo or Bhavapura and received the name of Rajapuri or Sri Ksettra.
The Mala kings and Malayu
Some of the cities mentioned in the Mon's list to be the exploit of Pya Kalavannatissa could be identified to locate on the Malay Archipelago. The inscription of Han Chey, at the first line, introduces Bhavavarman as "malamalayu iva malayam raja", the Mala King of Malayu. It is the first inscription so far to relate a Chenla king as the ruler of the Malay Archipelago. Perhaps descended from the ocean naga king Mohodara, this Mala dynasty had a specific custom of identifying themselves with flower (mala), especially the lotus (Botum or Padma) flower. Tradition says that garland of flowers was used as part of their everyday hairdressing. This identity was no doubt the origin of Malayu known today as Malaysia, the kingdom of the Malay people. The word "Malayang" (Mala-yang), meaning the Mala Kingdom, was mentioned in many Khmer inscriptions as a visaya (an annexed country) of the Angkorian Empire. The New History of the Tang mentions the first embassy of Malayu in 644-45, shortly after the first embassy of Ho-ling in 640 was sent to the court of China. This name refers to the country of Malayu situated on the eastern coast of Sumatra and centered in the region of Jumbi. It is also interesting to note that Jumbi, a Khmer word for a flower tree known in Sanskrit as Kamboja, was none other than the reference to the Kam kings. This legacy proves that Malayu, then part of Sri Dhammaraja, became part of the Chenla Empire after the conquest of Bhavavarman. The inscription of Han-chey commemorates this victory over the king of mountains residing at Mahidhara whom we had identified as the Kambojan king of Sri Vijaya.
THE TWO CHENLAS
New developments during the fall of Chenla might be perceived by Chinese court as the split of the Chenla Empire. It was recorded in the history of the Tang Dynasty (BEFEO IV: Deux Itinaries De Chine en Inde t. I, p. 211, Paul Pelliot) that the two antagonist kingdoms were defined once again by geographical factors of the region.
Chenla was split in two kingdoms, shortly after the period Chen Long (705-706 AD) called Lou-Chenla (Land Chenla) and Choui-Chenla (Water Chenla).
The split reminds us of the pre-historical feud between the mountain kingdom of the naga king Coladara with the ocean kingdom of the naga king Mahodara. It also leads us to believe that Lou-Chenla and Choui-Chenla were the reminiscences of the kingdoms of both naga dynasties and that the Chinese word "Chenla" was no other than a reference to "Dhara" or "Sodhara" of the Kamara legacy. Politically, the Chenla Clan already broke-up into two factions since the early stage of theirs exploits over the Khmer Empire. One side leaded by king Mahendravarman made theirs conquests over all the eastern Kamboja's territory while the other side, leaded by king Bhavavarman would concentrated to the West. Circumstance turned the devout Vishnuite Bhavavarman into Buddhist and stopped his destruction over the Hinayana Buddhist organization of the fallen Kambojan Empire. His descendant Anruddha continued his work on restoring Buddhism and regrouped the fallen Kambojan court into becoming the maritime Empire of the Sri Vijaya. At the mean time the descendants of the Mahendravarman continued the fight against Busshism and strenghtened the holding of the Kambojan territory to become the Chenla proper. The split mentioned in the Chinese text to be dated in early eight century, was obviously resulted from the campaign of the Sri Vijaya court over its maritime part, to be known as Water Chenla. The Land Chenla was then left to the last Chenla Court who sought support from the Tang Dynasty to be able to resist against the Water Chenla's attack. Ousted from the mainland, they formed the Cola Empire along with the Champapura court.
Bhavavarman changed his mind about Buddhism
In parallel to the advent of King Bhavavarman early ruling over Dvaravati, the Mon Tradition has a clear recollection of a severe setback of Buddhism under the rule of a legendary king Tisa of Takkasila whom drastic measure against Buddhism was no less wicked.
There was a king of Thaton named Kalavantisa; a group of naga had persuaded him to destroy Buddhism. All Buddha images had been thrown in the river. There was a daughter of a wealthy family name Mith Tho who was a devout Buddhist. Ignoring the king's order, she went on saving the Buddha images and kept them in her house. Accusing of violating the king order, she was sentenced to dead. However, protected by her merit, the executor was not able to do his job, no matter which way he tried. He failed to kill her either by burning or put her in an elephant path. In frustration, the king asked her if she knows of any magic. She replied that the only magic she knows is her belief in Buddha's teaching. The king Tisa, recognizing his mistake, converted himself to Buddhism and took Mith Tho as his queen.
Just as the legend says, a devoted Buddhist name Mit-tho saved him from the madness and needless to say that after marrying her he became a devote Buddhist himself. This conversion of King Bhavavarman to Buddhism changed the course of the Chenla development. Many Khmer inscription mention that his queen Kambojarajalaksmi was a relative of the Kambojan king Shrestavarman royal line whose connection with Buddhism was well known during the Khmer Empire. Undoubtedly she was the heroine of the Mon legend who sacrificed her life to save Buddhism. Her commemoration as the "Laksmi of Kamboja king" tells us, one way or another, about her important role in the reign of her king. We shall see that first he would align himself with the ousted Kaundinya court of the last Khmer Empire to drive the Chenla court out to Java and later to contribute in the formation of the Buddhist State of Sri Vijaya. With his devotion, Buddhism had been reinstated back and thrived at full force to become the dominant religion of Sri Vijaya.
The restoration of Buddhism
The Chinese monk I-tsing, on his pilgrimage to India, stopped at South East Asia on his first trip to India in 671. He wrote that in former Funan the law of the Buddha prospered and spread, but a wicked king has completely destroyed it and there are no more monks. We had related the event to the assault of Chenla over the Funan Empire and the "wicked king" was no other than the Chenla king Bhavavarman. Visiting Sri Dhammaraja, I-tsing recalled stopping for six month at Ligor to study Sanskrit grammar. He noted in his record that Mo-lo-yu is now the country of Shih-li-fo-shih. His record conveys a totally different picture and provides a valuable account on Buddhism under the new direction of the same king Bhavavarman.
In the fortified city of Fo-shih, there are more than a thousand of Buddhist priests whose minds are bent on study and good works. They examine and study all possible subjects exactly as in Madhyadesa; their rules and ceremonies are identical with those in India.
In contrast with Adhyapura (Ba Phnom) of Funan where Buddhism was virtually destroyed, Sri Dhammaraja emerged as the new Buddhist center of Southeast Asia. The practices were very much in tune with India, that I-tsing recommended to his fellow Chinese monks who were looking for more in sight of Buddhism to stop first at Sri Dhammaraja.
If a Chinese priest wishes to go to the west to understand and read the original Buddhist texts there, he would be wise to spend a year or two in Fo-shih and practice the proper rules there; he might then go on to central India.
After spending ten years at the University of Nalanda, I-tsing spent during his return four more years at Fo-shih between 685 and 689. He had copied and translated Sanskrit Buddhist texts into Chinese.
The Vishnuite account of King Bhavya
The late development of the Vishnuite sect of Hindu religion was not totally Indian. The Visnu Purana, for instance, includes an interesting part regarding the political establishment of king Bhavya (Histoire du Cambodge depuis le 1er Siecle de notre ere: Adhemard Leclere, p.43).
The king of the name Bhavya reorganized his country into three divisions with the name of Jalaga, Kumara and Sukamara. The Vishnu Purana also mentions the three ranges of montains Udayagiri, Syama and astagiri and name the rivers Sukumari, Kumeri and Nalini.
Scholars agree that the geographical description indicates no location in India, but the mainland of Southeast Asia. Jalaga is undoubtedly the corruption of the Sanskrit word "Jalasa" meaning water in reference to Vyadhapura or the water Chenla. Kumari on the other hand is the reference to the Kamara kingdom of the ancient Hiong-wang country, now becoming the Land Chenla. Tradition refers Sukamari as the new founding kingdom of Irrawati basin on the ground of the ancient city Sudhammavati that to become the seat of later Ramanadesa. On the other hand, the exploit of king Bhavya in the Vishnu Purana correlates the conquest of the Chenla king Bhavavarman. We shall see that under his exploit, the western part known as Tian-son in Chinese text during the Funan era, was now developed under a new Southeast Asian dynastic clan, the Anuruddha lineage of the Pyu kings. His summoning of all kings in the Jumbudvipa, as recounted in the northern Siam tradition, conceals his authority to lay over both Indian (at least at the northern part) and Southeast Asian continents which paved the way to the formation of the next Southeast Asian Cakravatin Empire (Xiang-mai:The City of Lawasangharatha).
THE LAST OF THE LAND CHENLA
As Bhavavarman had his mind changed about Buddhism and married the princess Kambojarajalaksmi of the original Kambojan line, his political standing regarding the Khmer Empire was changed. Without the backing of his uncle, Isanavarman had to strengthen his alliance with Champapura and both courts had turned to the Chinese court of the Tang Dynasty for support. During their high achievement of commercial development with the west, the Tangs shifted their focus to the southern provinces for possible southern route to India and the West. Beside the full control of the Silk route at Central Asia, southern route provided the Tangs with alternative secured route that would safeguard more of theirs western ventures. At that exact moment, the Man barbarians leaded by the displaced Funan kings were theirs major obstacle, but the Land Chenla was there to be allied with. Their plan however met with serious set-back, while the Tang succeeded to drive the Funan kings out from Nan-chao, the Land Chenla was falling apart and was already preparing for the final escape from the Mainland. After the Chenla king Jayavarman moved his court back to Wat-phu for the Tang's protection, evidences show that he also regrouped the Chenla hard core, with the legacy of the late king Isanavarman, in Central Java where they found support from the emerging Chola Empire of South India.
The attack on Nan-chao
Land Chenla, known in Chinese texts as Wen-tan and Po-Lou sent to China an embassy led by a son of the king in 753. Under the protection of the Tang Dynasty, the Land Chenla became the Chinese gate of the southern land route to India as described in the itinerary of Chia-tan. The itinerary places the capital of Land Chenla at the middle of Mekong on the Khorat Plateau. In 754 a Chenla prince accompanied the Chinese armies in a campaign against eastern Nanchao where a king named Ko-lo-feng reigned. In 771 an embassy led by a second king named Po-mi, then another embassy was sent on 799. For the rescue of Kiao-tche, the Tang court used the cooperation of Land-Chenla to launch the final attack on Nan-Chao. During the expedition of 794, Chinese texts mentioned of the presence of a Land Chenla prince, tugged along with the Chinese armies during a campaign against Ko-lo-pang. A poem composed by an artist Chinese scholar, Pi Jih-hsiu provides important information on account of the war (The birth of Vietnam: Appendix N: Pi Jih-hsiu and the Nan-chao War, by Keith Weller Taylor). On his stay in the city of Hsiu-chang located on the Ying River in modern Honan, Pi Jih-hsiu witnessed the suffering of local population under the draft for the Tang army and sent to Tongkin against the Nan-Chao offensive. In 862, two thousand men from Hsu had been drafted and according the account of Jih-hsiu many had died during the siege of Kiao-tche by Nan-chao.
Hih-hsiu was staying at an inn in Hsu-chuan. He suddenly heard the sound of wailing outside the city walls and inquired of people passing in the street. They said: "Southern barbarians besieged our Giao-chi. An imperial order was received to levy two thousand Hsu soldiers to attack them. They attack again and again, and they all died in battle.
In the account, the Chinese people clearly considered Kiao-tche or Tongkin as a country of theirs own. When it was attacked by Nan-chao, the Tang court was pressured to recruit Chinese army to help. On his poem composed later, Jih-hsiu portrayed a wartime grim picture.
The south was neglected, officials were not selected, causing the overthrow of our Giao-chi, which for three or four successive years, has drifted away, bringing disgrace to the empire.
Even then, Jih-hsiu and other Chinese citizen still stood with Kiao-tche despite the high casualty of theirs men and diverted the blame to the Tang Court for, according to the poem, had neglected Tongkin for too long. The critic of Jih-hsiu was just a weary feeling of a Chinese citizen about one lost battle among many others conducted against the southern barbarians. Little that Jih-hsiu knew about the Tang policy of the south; after opening the Silk Road to the West, the Tang dynasty was looking to take control of the South to open a short-cut southern land route to India. The uprising of the Chams and the rising of the Chenla Empire could be in part due to the plan. The Tang dynasty might be occupied to secure its own suzerainty taken from the Sui dynasty, but was far to be neglectful and they would soon drive the man rebels from Tongkin and Nan-chao. Even then, they could not restore back theirs own credibility and the next turning of events would be against them.
The Land Chenla and its last stand at Stung-treng
Before its fall, evidences show that the Land Chenla had moved its court to the northeastern province Stung-treng of Cambodia today. Becoming the capital of the Land Chenla, Stung-treng was the last refuge of both Chenla and Champa courts before their final escape to Central Java. A little farther south of Stun-treng seated the site of Sambor Prey Kup, known as the capital Isanapura of the last Chenla king Isanavarman. In an inscription dated in 716, we find the commemoration of prince Puskarasa from Aninditapura as king of Sambhupura (Sambor). The inscription indicates that Puskarasa was a descendant of Kaundinya and the Nagi Princess, thus a member of the Khmer court ousted by the Chenla uprising. His commemoration as king at Sambor indicates that this last capital of Chenla was already felled back under the control of the khmer king. It also signals the lost ground of the Chenla Empire and their final preparation to leave the Mainland for Central Java. During the decline of the Tang dynasty, Chinese texts refers Ho-ling and Cho-po to Central Java where the Chenla and Champa kings took refuge and found support from the new emerging Chola Empire of South India. The Chinese word Ho-ling, is the exact translation of the Khmer word "Stung-treng", meaning the river of reed. At the time that the new Javanese court introduced itself to the Tang Dynasty, the falling Chenla court at Stung-treng was still sustaining. During their final move, the new Javanese court might still hold their ground at Stung-treng and Ho-ling was still referred in Chinese text as their capital. The reference however lasted for only a short while, as the Chenla court of Stung-treng was about to succumb and never been mentioned again in the next Chinese records. Cho-pa or She-po, a transcription of Champa, was now becoming the only Chinese reference to Java. These facts constituted the evidence of connection between the displacement of the Chenla and Champa courts with the formation of the new Javanese Empire. Another supporting evidence to the same conclusion is the legacy of the late Chenla king Isanavarman. Javanese inscriptions later attest the consecration of IsanaBhadrasvara, the god king of Iasanavarman, as the divine protector of the Javanese Empire.
THE RISE OF THE JAVANESE EMPIRE
The southern islands had been cited in Javanese sources to receive the Saka immigrants from Gujarat since the antiquity. Unlike the Sri Vijaya of the Malay arpilago, the Saka communities of Java appeared to stay in the background and underdeveloped. Evidences from Chinese sources confirm that ancient rituals of head hunting and human-flesh eating were still widely-spread practiced among local people. After the fall of the Chenla Empire, the situation was changed. Looking for escape ground, the last Chenla King Jayavarman I saw Java as his last chance to survive the assault of the Khmer Kings. Starting from the formation of Dhruvapura, a new Javanese Empire was to be formed.
The foundation of Dhruvapura
An inscription found at Tan Kran of the district of Kampong Cham describes and the final escape of the last Chenla king Jayavarman to Java (Inscriptions du Cambodge: Inscription de Tan Kran: P. 7, by George Coedes). Inscribed by two brothers, in our opinion, the inscription described all necessary preparation for the escape overseas. Having served Jayavarman, at one time as a chief of Cresthapura, the Brahman Dharmasvamin was assigned by the latter to found a city name Dhruvapura. Otherwise unknown, the next passage described it as a new city founded among savage tribes of the forests.
Taking care of the citing Dhruvapura, full of horrible forests where lived men of savage tribes, he (Dharmasvamin) governed that territory and got rid of all dangers.
The passage includes a reference to an ineligible word "Ya..pati" which we are confident enough to identify it as "Yavapati" or Java pinpointing that Dhruvapura as a county of the Javanese islands. It is a confirmation of the fact that Java was not at the time developed and was still inhabited by savage tribes. However the passage mentioned that Dharmasvamin had already safeguard to country for the Chenla court of Jayavarman to move in. The rest of the inscription concerns about the next preparation done by a brother of his, named Samantasarala, for the final escape trip that consists first with recruiting soldiers for the royal guard.
He fulfilled the functions of extremely honorable as recruiter of soldiers for the royal guard who wore casket. And had an army on hand.
He then formed a group of body gurad of which he himself was appointed to be theirs chief. The next passage indicates that boats were used for the escape operation and that Samantasarala was appointed next to be the chief of a thousand combatants in war recruited from the inhabitants of Dhanavipura.
Next (he was assigned) by the order of the king to be chief of a troop of thousand inhabitants of Dhanavipura, going to war..
Interesting enough, the inscription made a reference to the kings of Kancipura which without more information, we could not elaborate on what this southern Indian city had to do with the escape plan of the Chenla king Jayavarman.
The Ho-ling Kingdom of Java
The New History of the Tang has many passages relating to the Embassies of Ho-ling to the court of China. The first three embassies were dated 640, 648 and 666. Clearly Ho-ling was still seeking the Tang's support during its early formation against its already powerful and rival neighbor, the Sri Vijaya. As a new established state, Ho-ling was not welcome and harassment already started. The Chinese passage recounts in particular the story of a queen named Sima, apparently ruling over Ho-ling in 674.
The ruler of Ta-tche sent a bag of gold to be laid down within her frontiers. The people, walking by, avoided the bag and it was untouched for a long time. One day, one of the crown princes stepped over it and the queen was furious. She ordered to have her own son executed, but with the objection of her court, a compromise was set to just cut off the toe that touch the bag of the gold.
The story portrays a test of willpower orchestrated by the kingdom of Ta-tche , the great kingdom, which is no other than the Sri Vijaya Empire. Through her determination, continues the Chinese text, the queen Sima won respect from Ta-tche and her tenacity had leaded to the formation of the Sanjaya Empire, set to become a new maritime power of the South China sea. However this statement was far to be complete, as we know that many other political developments were also crucial in the emergence of the Javanese Empire.
The Chola Connection
One of the many factors that makes the new Javanese kingdom of Ho-ling able to standup to Ta-tche was its connection with the South Indian Chola Empire. The proof of this connection with both South India and the ancient Champa court of Vanga is founded in the new history of the Tang (FUNAN: Le Funan: P 298).
The country (Ho-ling) is at the south of To-mo-tchang, and is said to be dependent of the south India; it also known to be coast to coast with the Campa of India, which is at the shore of the Gange.
The emergence of the Chola Empire of South India was not a coincident and we shall see that it was the same Cholan legacy of Prey-nokor. Since the fall of Jinnan, Chinese texts consistently referred the leadership of Lin-yi as Chu-lien when they fought to free themselves from the Han's control (Prey-Nokor). It was the resuscitation of the Kamara Empire in connection to the ancient Choladhara legacy of Jinnan. After the arrival of Kaundinya, Nokor Khmer was formed on top of the Kamra court of Prey-nokor. Under the interference of the Kam and Cham aristocrats, the Kaundinya family split into two antagonist clans. Defeated, the Chenla clan regrouped themselves at Central Java and made theirs ways to South India. As a matter of fact, the new history of the Tang clearly mentions that the Chenla legacy of Ho-ling was not only restricted to Java but had extended also to South India as well.
In those conditions, the Ho-ling that was at the north of To-mo-chang, itself at the north of Tsin-tche-fou, would not be at Java nor in the Malay Peninsula: it would be the Kalinga of India that Hiuan-tsang had known under the name of Kie-ling-kia.
Fairly enough, Chinese texts still used the word "Chu-lien" to refer to the new Javanese and South Indian Empire that started with the religious development since the rise of the Chenla Clan at Prey-nokor. Inscriptions witness the marriage of Sakabhramanas from South India and princesses of both the Chenla and Champa courts.
Sanjaya
A Sanskrit inscription found in the central part of the Island of Java among the ruins of the Sivaite sanctuary of Changal, was an attribution to the king Sanjaya. The inscription mentions the erection of a linga on the island of Yava. Described to be rich in grain and gold mines, the country of Kunjarakunja appeared to be located between Travancore and Tinnevelly, the site of the sanctuary dedicated to the sage Agastya. In Indian Tradition, the sage Agastya was credited to conquer the natural barrier between the Transgangetic India and the south, and in the process bring along the new development of the Sivaite culture from the north to the South. As the sea communication between Java and the South Indian continent was very much established, this South Indian cultural evolution reached the Java Island. Sanjaya was obviously patronizing this cultural transfer and was capitalizing on it. The same inscription refers two royal figures of the name Sanna and Sannaha as predecessors of Sanjaya. According to Javanese Tradition (History of Indonesia, B. R. Chatterji), Sanna and Sannaha were brother and sister, Sanjaya was the son of Sannaha. Looking back into the Chenla legacies, the daughter of Jayavarman I, queen Jayadevi mentioned in one of her inscriptions about donations to a sanctuary of Siva Tripurantaka and complained of the misfortunes of the times. This sanctuary was founded by the princess Sophajaya, also a daughter of Jayavarman I who married the Sivaite Brahman Sakravarmin born in India. It is in high probability that this Sivaite Brahman was connected to the sage Agastya who became to be known as the Sivaite Guru in South India. This new development that was credited to the sage Agastya in spreading the first time of Sivaite culture in South India was strongly seen as contributing later to the emergence of the Chola Empire. On the other hand, Sanjaya might have been related to the queen Jayadevi who was portrayed as queen Sima in the Chinese story. After their settlement, evidence show that the new Javanese rulers did not forget theirs past glory over the mainland during the Chenla era. Inscriptions of both Java and Champapura described the naval attacks orchestrated by the Javanese Empire making its suzerainty felt along the eastern coast of Indochinese Peninsula. According to an Arab story, this campaign was conducted in retaliation to the insult of the Khmer prince (Dvaravati:The Cradle of the Angkorian Empire, LCM).
Reference:
The following sources provide basic historical facts of this paragraph.
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. IA: JSS: Une nouvelle d'inscription d'Ayuthya, George Coedes
    Notes:
  1. Siam's people
    Coedes wrote: There were no information on what exactly happened during this transition; however a khmer inscription in Sanskrit, dated the year 937, told about a lines of princes of Chansupura (Guchanagapura). The first of the line was the king Bhagadatta; then after an undetermined number of generations, we hear of Sundaravarman. Mangalavarman, consecrated a statue of Devi, a likeness of his mother. These names are not found in the epigraph of Cambodia, which gives a list of slaves, proves that three quarter of a century before the area was incorporated into Cambodia the Khmers had replaced the Mon population that had occupy it in the seventh century.
    Comment: Coedes' statement was true to the archeology fact supporting the Khmerization of Dvaravati. The inscription of Ayudhya, even though in Sanskrit, contains part in Khmer Language listing slaves of the God king Sankara. It indicates that the Khmer language was being used in the high court of Dvaravati as any other places of the Menam Valley that has the Khmer court settled as an offshoot of the Angkorian court. However, his last comment about the Mon population being replaced by the Khmers was superficially based on the assumption that the people of Dvaravati was Mon, a different race from the Khmer. The inscription which provides the genealogy of the rulers of Ayudhya confirms no displacement of the people of the Menam Valley and evidence show that they were there, still speaking Mon, at least until the formation of the Siam Country under king U-Thong in 1350 AD.
  2. Sri Ksetra
    Scholars agree that the Chinese word "She-li-cha-to-lo", mentioned by the Chinese Hsuan-tsabg and I-tsing, was a reference to Sri Ksetra. However, the reference of Sri Ksetra to the Pyu kingdom of Prome, based on Burmese name of Thayekhetaya need to be reviewed. The Burmese word "Thayekhetaya" might be instead a transcription of "Daya-ksetra", but not a reference to "She-li-cha-to-lo" of both Hsuan-tsabg and I-tsing. Either the Pyu Kingdom of Prome was or was not part of Sri Ksettra, its historical link with the Chenla king Bhavavarman was already established.
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