The Chenla Empire

Project: Chenla
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: December/01/2008
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed. Please kindly notify me of the discrepancies.


INTRODUCTION
So far, there is no consensus about the origin of the Chinese Word Chenla used consistently in referencing to Cambodia. No known Sanskrit or Khmer word corresponds to its ancient pronunciation Tsien Lap. The fact that this word was used instead of Kamboja indicated that the Chinese had known the region and it population earlier than the start of the Kambojan (Funan) Empire. The interpretation of the word "Chenla" which was a derivative of "Tsien Lap" is pure wax which may be related to the Khmer word "Kramoan Sar" meaning white wax. The history of the Sui (BEFEO III:Le Funan, Paul Pelliot, P. 272), at the sixth century, recorded the emergence of the Chenla court at southwest of Lin-yi or Prey Nokor. It seams to support the theory that "Kramoan Sar" was the indigenous name of Chenla since a locality nearby Ba Phnom still retains that name. However, the Khmer tradition has not much to say about Kramoan Sar either as a political or cultural center of ancient Cambodia. There might be on some occasions that Chinese texts made a reference to Tsien Lap as to Kramoan Sar, and along the way got mixt-up with the word Chenla as the name of the Khmer Country. The next lead is from the fact that the Chinese historians knew quite well that Kamboja was the official name of the Khmer Empire but continued to refer it as Chenla. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, Chou-ta-kuan stated in his record.
The Tchen-la is also called Tchan-la; it indigenous name is Kan-pu-tche.
As we shall see, Chenla appeared in Chinese text first as a kingdom, vassal of Funan, founded by Chitrasena. As the Chinese historians often refer a country by its ruling party, Chenla or Tchanla could be a dynasty that Chitrasenan was belonged to. We then conclude that the Chinese word "Chenla", was first used to refer another dynasty of Prey-nokor, but along the way became the Chinese reference to the Khmer Empire itself.
It all started at Prey-nokor
The word "Yasodhara" or "Sodhara" is found in the official name of Cambodia (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Ketomala Dynasty: Yasodhara and Indrapath) along with the words Kamboja and Indrapath. Unlike the two last borrowed name from abroad, Yasodhara or Sodhara retains its legacy from the Kamara or naga culture of the Hiong-Wang era. It is in a true sense the original identity of Nokor Khmer and was mentioned in Khmer inscriptions as the official name of the Angkorean kingdom. The early rulers of Prey Nokor of the Uroja lineage was mentioned as Dharapati which indicated that Dhara was at the time a capital of Prey Nokor (Champapura: The Formation of Champapura: The uprising of Lin-yi). After freeing themselves from the Hans, the Uroja kings had to deal with the Cham kings who were no other than the offshoot of the Han Dynasty. After Kaundinya Jayavarman married the Nagi Princess, his political shift toward the Sri-vijaya had leaded to the break-out of the Prey-nokor court into three factions (Nokor Khmer:The three dynasties). From the break-off, we shall see that the Chenla Dynasty would carry-on no less of the Khmer legacy and most importantly the Chola legacy of Prey Nokor than any other Angkorian Dynasties. There is evidence that many Angkorian Monarchs, Suryavaman II, the builder of Angkor Wat, in particular, belonged to the Chenla Dynasty. Still, the Chenla Kings were more remembered as Chams in Khmer tradition and, unlike the Chinese sources, they were the least recognized as of Khmer heritage. Perhaps because of that reason, the Chenla Kings were mostly ignored in Khmer sources. If they did not leave fairly amount of inscriptions behind, we would have nothing to verify the Chinese sources about theirs involvement in the development of the next Angkorian Empire. Since we have not come up with any satisfactory Khmer alternative, we shall use the Chinese word "Chenla" still, in identifying the mixed Khmer and Cham dynasty during the next phase of Khmer history.
THE CHENLA BROTHERHOOD
During the reign of Kaundinya Jayavarman, Prey Nokor and the kamboja Kingdom were united under the Khmer Empire. First located at Angkor Borey, Rajapuri or the city of the king later was moved to the Menam Valley, at the site of Ayudhya. The move to the new location justified the inclusion of the Kambojan territory under the control of Kaundinya Jayavarman. Leaving Prey-nokor into the hand of his son Gunavarman and heir, he spent more of his time farther west at Ayudhya and Lavo, to consolidate the Khmer Empire. His effort earn-marked him the title of "General of the Pacified South" from the court of China, however it left Prey-nokor vulnerable under Gunavarman, and became the target of usurpation by another son of Kaundinya Jayavarman, Rudravarman. This political unrest provided the Chams with good opportunity to form the Chenla Clan and to revive back the Cham past legacies.
The formation of the Chenla court
Formed from the court of Viravarman at Prey Nokor, the Chenla Clan strenghten the lineage of mix Cham stock, descendants of Kaundinya, with the support of the surviving Cham aristocrats. We had seen that after Kaundinya ousted the Cham king from Prey-nokor, many of his sons were left and were allowed to rule many localities of the new Khmer Empire (Champapura: The Indian arrival: The left-over Cham legacies). As tributary to the Kaundinya court, they were quick to amass back theirs fortune and built-up theirs power. The usurpation of Rudravarman gave them the opportunity to get back into the political limelight by aligning themselves with the Chenla princes. The history of the Sui was the earliest source, so far available about the formation of the Chenla court.
The Chenla is at the southwest of Lin-yi; it was originally a kingdom vassal of Funan. The family name was Cha-li; his personal name was She-to-ssu-na; his ancestors had gradually increased the power of the country. She-to-ssu-na seized Funan and subdued it.
It mentions the emergence of the Chenla Court exactly at Ba Phnom, the place where once the Cham communities flourished during the decline of the Funan Empire. The family name "Cha-li" in Chinese is hard to be interpreted and could be a reference to the god Hari or Vishnu of the Hindu Culture, as had always been the legacy of the Chenla Kings. It also could be a reference to the dynasty of Sip-song-pana, also known as Tchou-li, which explains later the Cham's connection with the Chenla family (Lanna: Notes: Lanna Tai). The personal name "She-to-ssu-na" is on the other hand easier to identify as the exact transcription of Chitrasena. Inscriptions reveal that Chitrasena was a son of king Viravarman who descended from the Kaundinya family. Apparently the Hari's connection was established through his mother side and according to matrimonial rule, Chitrasena was a legitimate heir of the Cham court. Being long under the control of the Kaundinya family, the surviving Sakas rallied behind the Chenla Kings. This is consistent with the Khmer Chronicle mentioning that the displaced Cham king had staged back a return against the Thong Dynasty.
The Cham kings then conducted an attack to chase out Prah bat Devavamsa. Taking by surprise, Prah bat Devavanmsa escaped north to Nokor Rajasima, in the territory of the great Kamboja.
Theirs first mission was to oust Rudravarman from Ba Phnom, the capital of the Khmer Empire, known later as Adyapura, where they established their own political center. Evidences show that under the protection of the Sui Dynasty, Rudravarman moved his court to Champapura and received investiture from the China court to rule over Nan-chao.
The leader of the Chenla' s pact
In the history of the Sui, Citrasena was mentioned as the leader of the Chenla pact, but many inscriptions prove otherwise. It was his elder brother, king Bhavavarman I, who was the first to ascent the Funan or Kambojan throne, after supposedly ousted the last Funan king from Vyadhapura. As an inscription put it, Bhavavarman I was the driver of the attack to take the reward of the exploit.
The king Sri Bhavavarman, having taken the power by storm, received Gambhisvara as reward.
In addition, the inscription of Ang Chumnik shows that Bhavavarman I was the first Chenla king to reign after Rudravarman of Vyadhapura. The Han Chey inscription shows that it was also him who drove out the Kambojan kings from Mahidhara to Na-tu-na Island. It supports the Chinese claim that all the court of the Kambojean or Funan Empire escaped to Na-fu-na after the Chenla attack. Na-fu-na could be identified as the small island of Na-tu-na at the northern shore of Borneo. It was perhaps no ore than a quick stop, evidence show that the family of Kaundinya and the Nagi princess were pushed further into south India where they formed the Pallava court. Bhavavarman, continues the inscriptions, took power with energy and expanded his control toward the ocean as limit.
It was not only the whole continent that he wants to conquer but, the unification of all possible resources never been unified before.

The Chenla's conquest
New conquered lands challenged the two brothers who presumably shared the glory. In the inscription of Ang Chumnik (JA Aout-September 1882:Inscriptions Sanskrits du Cambodge, M. August Barth), two ministers, Dharmadeva and Simhadeva, served under both the reigns of king Bhavavarman and Mahendravarman. It indicated that the reign of Bhavavarman was cut short in favor for his brother and the court of Ang Chumnik was left to the latter. Through the inscription of Han Chey we know that king Bhavavarman had a son and successor.
That king of Kings had a son who, like a new moon at its full splendor and by all his merits, was the focus of admiration by the people.
We shall see later that a king by the name Bhavavarman appeared briefly in inscription after the fall of Chenla to whom we attribute to Anuruddha of Chiang Mai (Chiang-amai: Lawasangharatha). However, there is no other inscription found in Chenla proper mentioning about the lineage of his descendants. Many inscriptions attest instead the ruling of king Isanavarman over the site of proper Chenla immediately after the reign of his father Citrasena. From the distribution of vestiges, we conclude that after the conquest of the Kanboja Empire, Bhavavarman I would resume his conquest to the west and left the eastern part to the control of his brother Citrasina. This arrangement was undoubtedly the preemption of the split of the Chenla Empire in two separate kingdoms later in history.
THE CHENLA DYNASTY
The inscription of Mi-son identifies the Chenla kings as belonging to the Soma Dynasty, successors of Rudravarman in the court of Champapura. It indicates that Champapura was under Rudravarman when the two Chenla brothers were busy themselves to dismantle the Funan Empire and fell to them only at the end of the Sui dynasty. The inscriptions of Ang Chumnik and Han Chey (JA:Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge,August Barth) provide more information about the Chenla court establishing its control at the south. They are valuable in providing information about the Chenla kings, during theirs very first assaults and later the establishment of theirs control over the lost ground of the last Khmer and Kambojan kings.
Bhavavarman I (598)
The inscription of Han Chey mentioned his lining from the Soma side of the naga dynasty. His posthumous name was Kalakantisapada, the same name as one of the legendary kings Tisa of both Mon and Khmer chronicles. Another inscription indicates that he was the son of king Viravarman and was married with the princess Kambojarajalaksmi who was related to king Shrestavarman of the Kambu dynasty. His close relationship with Citrasena, some inscription say that he was his elder brother, explained his involvement in the Chenla/Funan affair. The inscription of Han Chey commemorates his victory over the King of Mountain (parvatabhubal) at Mahidhara.
Jetu parvatabhubal a Mahidharamastakat setu pravrshi yasyasid dhastineshv api varishu.
We had identified that Mahidhara (Kamara: LCM) was a referrance to the ocean Kamara king Mahodara of the Mahavamsa chronicle. The conquest was obviously carried down deep into the Malay Peninsular at the Ketah Mountain. His coronation name Bhavavarman, a protégé of Bhava indicates his devotion to Visnuism that could be one of the causes of conflict with the Buddhist devotion of the late Rudravarman. Evidence show that he had concentrated his effort westward and his conquest might contribute to the emergence of the Pala Dynasty back in Indian continent. We do not know how long king Bhavavarman reigned, we only know that he was still reigning in 598.
Mahendravarman
The inscription of Phou Lokhon (BEFEO III:Inscription Sanscrite du Phou Lokhon, M.A. Barth,) was found at its location in the High land of the Khorat Plateau. Citrasena, says the inscription, was the son of sri Viravarman and was the saktya younger brother (saktyanuna kanistho bhrata) of sri Bhavavarman. It is interesting to see the word "saktya" mentioned here to identify his bloodline, undoubtedly common to all kings of Chenla. He received the coronation name (namatejebhiseka) of sri Mahendravarman with the title of Sarvamahatalaksana. Mahendravarman left many inscriptions at the confluence of the Mun with the Mekong. Some other inscriptions at Surin between the Mun and the Dangrek Mountain tell the establishment of lingas of the Mountain Siva (SivaGirisa) and the erection of images of the bull Nandin. The use of his personal name instead of his crown title in most of the inscriptions reveals that Mahendravarman spent many long years fighting the Funan Empire along side his brother, before he was crowned. We do not know exactly how long his reign was, but we know that his son was to succeed him around 616 AD. It was perhaps because he received the Khmer throne for himself and later delegated it to his son, that the Chinese texts refer Citrasena as the actual leader of the Chenla's uprising.
Isanavarman (616-635)
He was the son of Mahendravarman. The new history of the Tang credits the final conquest of Funan at the beginning period of 627-649 to him. Inscriptions had been founded in Kampong Cham, Prey Veng, Kandal, and Takeo, attesting his full control of Central Cambodia. To the west, his authority extended at least to Chantabun. His first embassy to China was in 616-617. The old history of the Tang mentions two embassies, one after the other, in 623 and 624. An inscription found at Sambor (BEFO XXVIII:New Inscriptions of Sambor, Louis Finot) mentions on line two, that he is the killer of the member of the "caktyanirdecca-praphavaticayodayah" family that might reveal another reason about the attack on the Funan court. After the Kambunaga king giving part of his kingdom to Prah Thong, the mix Aditya-Soma bloodline became the only legitimacy of the unified Kamboja-Khmer throne which left others, including the Chenla lineage itself, in the dark. The word "prabhavaticayodayah" indicates that the nagi princess was belonging to the Odaya or Daya line of the Saka stock and, as had always been the Soma tradition, she was also of Bhava line. On line four of the same inscription, he declares himself as an abhavad raja and a promoter of Vishnuism (visnur ivaparah). We know moreover, that he sent an ambassador to Champa in order to ensure friendship between the two courts. Evidence show that during the end of his reign the Chenla Empire succumbed and was forced to retract to the south. Apparently the first buildings of Phnom Bayang, in the province of Takeo, were built during that time.
THE CHENLA EMPIRE
During the last stage of its exploit, the Chenla Empire was virtually conquering all of the ancient Kamboja (Funan) Empire. After subduing the Khmer court at Vyadhapura, Bhavavarman I turned his war machine against the Kambojan Empire. The inscription of Han Chey attests his conquest over Mahidhara on the Malayu Archipelago. On the other front, Mahendravarman who apparently received supports from the northern Cham communities during his early years, managed to take control of the Khorat Plateau. He left many inscriptions bearing his personal name Citrasena which indicate that he was still a prince, combating along side his brother Bhavavarman. Together, the two brothers succeeded in overthrowing the Kamboja Empire and restored the legacy of the Saka tradition.
Isanapura
From the history of the Sui and in "The ethnographic study of people outside China" by Ma Tuan Lin, in the thirteenth century, we could compile a glimpse picture about the Chenla Empire after the victory. The account about the reign of Isanavarman indicates that his capital was I-she-na, a Chinese transcription of Isanapura. The great Chinese pilgrim Hsun-Tsang called Cambodia by this name in the middle of the seventh century. Its extension over the Khorat plateau, including the region of Wat Phu, was no doubt the origin of the regional tradition that maintains its name as "Isana" until today.
The prince makes his residence in the city of I-she-na, which contains more than twenty thousand families. In the middle of the city is a great hall where the king gives audience and holds court. The kingdom includes thirty other cities, each populated by several thousands of families, and each ruled by a governor; the titles of state officials are the same as in Lin-yi.
Isanavarman's capital, Isanapura was identified with the ruins at Sambor Prei Kuk, north of Kampong Thom. Vestiges left behind included many small brick towers and inscriptions, some of which mentioned Isanapuri.
Relationship with Champapura
After the uprising of the Chenla Kings, it is clear that Champapura was still under the control of Rudravarman. The history of the Sui (BEFEO IV: Deux Itinarraires De Chine en Inde I:PP 187-188, By Paul Pelliot) tells us that after the successful campaign at Lin-yi in 605, the Sui court reorganized the three command posts occupied the southern part of Jinnan. Pi-Ying became the command post of Jinnan, Hai-yin became the command post of Nong, Lin-yi became the command post of Tchong. This organization saved Lin-yi and Champapura from the Chenla conquest and allowed the khmer court of the late Rudravarman to have the control under the protection of the Sui. However it lasted only for ten years, after 618 when the Tang succeeded the Sui, evidence shows that the Chams of Champapura got back theirs control. An inscription found at Mi-son (BEFEO t.3: Stele de Sambhuvarman a Mison, M. L. Finot), not far from that of Bhadravarman recounted on one of its face what was next after the reign of Sri Rudravarman. In the saka year, determined only by the legible digit 4 as a year of the fifth century, a fire destroyed the sanctuary of the god Bhadrasvara built by the first Bhadravarman. The next king, with the coronation name (Abhisekanama) of Sambhuvarman and with the religious (dindikanama) name of Prasasthadhamma, managed to restore the sanctuary and rededicate to the god Sambhubhadrasvara. The inscription, moreover, is the first inscription to mention about Champa Desa in relation with the new court of Sambhupura. The mentioning about Champadesa reveals that he was related to the previous Champa court and was trying to bring back the Cham legacy. Sambhuvarman whose reign ended in 629, received a delegation from Chenla, minister Simhadeva of king Mahendravarman. The inscription of Mi-son (BEFEO IV: Notes D'epigraphie, L. Finot) identifies Sambhuvarman as the king to ascend the throne of Champa after Rudravarman was ousted. Like the Chenla kings, Sambhuvarman was lined from Bhadravarman. His son Kandarpadhamma succeeded him and had a peaceful reign. Chinese source (BEFEO IV: Deux Itinarraires De Chine en Inde I:P 195, By Paul Pelliot) also reveals that Kandarpadhamma had very good relationship with the Tang court. He repeatedly sent rich presents to the emperor Tai Tsung and when the latter died he was present at his funeral and was memorized by a stone statue at site of the tomb.
In 623,in 625 and in the years of tcheng-Koun (627-649), the king Fan Fan-tche sent his ambassadors. In 630, in 631 and in the following years, the king Fan Teou-li paid also tribute; he was represented as stone statue at the tomb of the emperor Tai-tsong (627-649).
The inscription also mentions about the union between his son, Jagadharma and the princess Sarvani, a daughter of Isanavarman. Due to some circumstance, says the inscription, Jagadharma had stayed at Bhavapura which we shall identified as Lavo. From the union they had a son named Prakasadharma who would ascend the throne of Champapura under the name of Vikrantavarman.
THE CHENLA CULTURE
Even thought having close connection with the Saka communities, the Chenla kings had apparently retained their Khmer heritage. Evidence shows that both Khmer and the Saka legacies were conserved and were mixed into a new tradition that lasted through the Chenla era and became part of the Khmer tradition of today. The Khmer inscription of Ang Chumnik witnesses the conservation of Khmer court of Rudravaraman, under the ruling of the next Chenla Kings. The apparition of the Khmer Language, the first time used in inscriptions, witnesses the supremacy of the Khmer culture being brought up by the Chenla court. Through the conquest over the Kambojan Empire, they expand the Khmer culture over Dvaravati, the seat of the Soma legacy at the Menam valley. A Khmer inscription found at the site of Ayudhya (JSS: Une nouvelle d'inscription d'Ayuthya, George Coedes) proves that after the control of the Chenla Empire, the Khmer language was being used in the high court of Dvaravati.
The court
The passage mentioned that the titles of the state officials of the Chenla court were the same as those of the court of Prey Nokor meaning that after all the Chenla court was formed after the Khmer court.
Every three days the king proceeds solemnly to the audience hall and sits on a couch made of five kinds of aromatic wood and decorated with seven precious things. About the couch there rises a pavilion hung with magnificent fabrics; the columns are of veined wood and the walls of ivory strewn with flowers of gold. Together this couch and this pavilion form a sort of little palace, at the back of which is suspended, as in Chih-tu, a disk with gold rays in the form of flames. A golden incense-burner, held by two men, is placed in front. The king wears a dawn-red sach of ki-pei cotton that falls to his feet. He covers his head with a cap laden with gold and precious stones, with pendants of pearls. On his feet are leather, or sometimes "ory, sandals; in his ears, pendants of gold. His robe is always made of a very fine white fabric called pe-ti. When he appears bareheaded, one does not see precious stones in his hair.
The legacy of Chih-tu was also mentioned, revealing interference of the Saka Communities of Lam-Neang (Chiang-mai) in the formation of the Chenla Empire. The northern Siam country, as we recalled back (Sakadvipa, LCM), had been the stronghold of the Saka clan since the Han dynasty ruling over the Chinese court.
The dress of the great officials is very similar to that of the king. These great officials or ministers are five in number. The first has the title ku-lo-yu (guru?). The titles of the four others, in order of the rank they occupy, are hsiang-kao-ping, po-ho-to-ling, she-ma-ling and jan-lo-lou. The lesser officials are considerable. Those who appear before the king touch the ground in front of them three times at the footsteps of the throne. If the king calls them and commands them to show their rank, they kneel, holding their crossed hands on their shoulders. Then they go and sit in a circle around the king to deliberate on the affairs of the kingdom. When the session is finished, they kneel again, prostrate themselves, and retire. More than a thousand guards dressed in armor and armed with lances are ranged at the foot of the steps of the throne, in the palace halls, at the doors, and at the peristyle.
The setting of the court, according to the passage, resembled the court of Siam (Chis-tu). It indicates that both Prey Nokor and Siam legacies had played important role in the formation of the Chenla Empire.
The custom of the inhabitants is to go around always armored and armed, so that minor quarrels lead to bloody battles.
Obviously it was not a peaceful time and the people needed to arm themselves to the teeth. In their everyday life, as an exact portrait of the wild east small quarrel could lead to a big fight. The passage then continues on mentioning about how the Chenla court of king Isanavarman handle the internal intrigue and resolved the conflict of inheritance.
Only sons of the queen, the legitimate wife of the king, are qualified to inherit the throne. On the day that a new king is proclaimed, all his brothers are mutilated. From one a finger is removed, from other the nose is cut off. Then their maintenance is provided for, each in a separated place, and they are never appointed to office.
The people
The Chinese describes the people of Chenla as they had been describing the the Khmer people or the indigenous people of the mainland as a whole. The change of leadership role does not affect much the image of the people.
The men are of small statue and dark complexion, but many of the women are fair in complexion.
Their life style however, according to the next passage, seams to be more descent and they seams to be conscious about their hygiene. However the passage does not make it clear that the description was about the high class or the general people.
All of them roll up their hair and wear earrings. They are lively and vigorous in temperament. Their houses and the furniture they use resemble those of Chih-tu. They regard the right hand as pure and the left hand as impure. They washed every morning, clean their teeth with little pieces of poplar wood and do not fail to read or recite their prayers. They wash again before eating, get their poplar toothpicks going immediately afterwards, and recite prayers again.
The last passage indicates that they were very religious and they took time to recite prayers regularly. When talking about food, it is clear that they had enough to eat and the meal included appetizer.
Their food included a lot of butter, milk-curds, powdered sugar, rice and also millet, from which they make a sort of cake which is soaked in meat juices and eaten at the beginning of the meal.
Once again, it is not clear that it was the description of the everyday meal of the general population or of the high class. The regular people would not use a lot of butter and milk-curds as described in the passage and cow-mild was not one of their traditional rations. The Chinese Recorders must to confuse between the coconut-milk and the cow-milk product. It is also possible that the Chinese Record describes the ration of the Saka rulers instead of the ration of regular people. These Saka rulers might still retain their diet of cow-mild as important ingredient in their meals.
The wedding
Family matter had always been an important feature of the Khmer tradition. It started with the marriage. It was the groom's responsibility to ask the hand of his bride to be with elaborate presents to her parents. After theirs consents, the preparation for the marriage could be cumbersome.
Whoever wishes to marry first of all sends presents to the girl he seeks; then the girl's family chooses a propitious day to have the bride led, under the protection of a go-between, to the house of the bride groom. The families of the husband and wife do not go out for eight days. Day and night the lamps remain lit.
After the marriage, with the help of the parents, the couple went out to build their own nest and lived independently from their relatives.
When the wedding ceremony is over, the husband receives part of the goods of his parents and goes to establish in his own house. At the death of his parents, if the deceased leave young children who are not yet married, these children receive the rest of the goods; but if all the children are already married and endowed, the goods that the parents have retained for themselves go to the public treasury.
The funerals
Unlike in previous Kambojan era when Chinese texts mentioned about many forms of funeral ceremony were performed (Kamboja, LCM), only cremation was reported during the Chenla era. If the report is accurate, it indicates the time that cremation became the only funeral choice of the Khmer tradition. This conformance to the Hindu practice of cremation was obviously due to the enforcement of the Chenla King.
Funerals are conducted in this way: the children of the deceased go seven days without eating, shave their heads as a sign of mourning and utter loud cries. The relatives assemble with monks and nuns of Buddha or the Hindu Priests, who attend the deceased by chanting and playing various musical instruments. These corpses are burned on a pyre made of every kind of aromatic wood; the ashes are collected in a gold or silver urn to be thrown into deep water. The poor use earthenware urn, painted in different colors. There are also those who content to abandon the body in the mountains, leaving the job of devouring it to the wild beats.
The funeral ceremonies were described to be of both Hindu and Buddhist tradition. It indicates that even-though the Chenla court was overly Hinduist, the people still hold on to the Buddhist tradition. Side by side with the Hindu religion, Buddhism prevailed. Last and not least, the text also provides geographical information about the country.
The north of Chenla is a country of mountains intersected by valleys. The south contains great swamps, with a climate so hot that there is never any snow or hoar-frost; the earth there produces pestilential fumes and teems with poisonous insects. Rice, rye, some millet, and coarse millet are grown in this kingdom.
THE YUNNAN' S CONNECTION
The assault of Chenla, mighty as it was, did not wipe out the Funan Empire entirely from the mainland of Indochina. After the fall of Champapura into the hand of Sambhuvarman, evidences show that the court of Rudravarman was destroyed but was not completely eliminated. In an effort to gain some supports from the Tangs, the Funan rulers sent diplomatic embassies to the Chinese court.
In the periods of Won-to (618-626) and (627-649), says the history of the Tang, the Funan resent theirs embassy to China court bringing as tribute two men of white heads.
The mentioning of Funan during this late stage of the Chenla's conquest confirms not only that the court of Rudravarman did survive the attack but also tried to assert itself to the Tang court. We have no idea what the two men of white head were about, but we know that the diplomacy probably did not work as the Tangs were already making pact with the Chenla Clan.
Rudravarman after the fall of Champapura
The Khmer tradition attests that during the surprise attack of the Cham kings, the Thong Family survived and took refuge at Nokor Rajasima. The chronicle also makes it clear that they came back to take over the Khmer Empire.
Taking by surprise, Prah bat Devavamsa escaped north to Nokor rajasima, in the territory of the great Kamboja. Staying at Nokorsima for a year, he then strikes back to chase out the Cham kings, some escaped to Bayangkau some to the mount Isvara (RPNK: Devavamsa).
The hints lead us to look for more information through northern Siam sources for the next development that allowed them to regroup themselves and to come back later and founded the Angkorian Empire. To no surprises, both the northern Siam Tradition of Khun Borom and the account of the new dynasty Si-nou-lo (Sri Nara) in the Yunnan chronicle, provide us with the missing links. As we shall see, the Siam legendary figure of Khun Borom is closely connected to the descendant of displaced king Rudravarman of the Khmer court (Xiang-mai: The Nan-chao conncetion: King Borom of Nan-chao). At the mean time, we will connect the legendary figure Si-nou-lo of the Nan-tchao chronicle to his descendants whom circumstance allowed him to come back ruling over the Khmer Empire. A Khmer inscription found at the foundation of the temple Pre Rup confirms that Jayavarman II, the next founder of the Angkorian Empire, was descended from king Puskaraksa who himself was a descendant of Narapatindravarman (Inscription du Cambodge I: La Stele de Fondation de pre Rup, By George Coedes).
The king Narapatindravarman, brother of the mother of the mother of her (Vedavati) . . . had a son the king Sri Puskaraksa, maternal uncle of the maternal uncle of the mother of Sri Jayavarman II who established his capital on top of mount Mahendra.
Connecting to the Nan-tchao tradition, king Narapatindravarman was no other than Sri Nara, mentioned as Si-nou-lo in the Yuannan chronicle. His Chinese name "Si-nou-lo" can be immediately related as the exact Chinese transcription of Sri Nara. Next, we had seen that Rudravarman was a legacy of Ashoka's son named Mong-tsiu-tou that existed in the Khmer court of Prey-nokor (Nokor Khmer: The Khmer Empire: Rudravarman). Coincidentally enough, the Nan-tchao chronicle also relates Si-nou-lo to a long line descendant of King Ashoka.
Si-nou-lo, also called Tou-lo-siao, was a descendant of the 36th generation from Mong-tsiu-tou, the fifth son of Ti-mong-siu, son of the king A-yu, king of Mo-kie-kouo of India.
Connecting Rudravarman to the father of Nan-tchao' s king named Si-nou-lo sheds light to what was happening during the fall of Funan. During the Chenla uprising, the coalition of the Chenla Kings and the Cham aristocrats invaded Champapura and in the process chased Rudravarman and his court up north. The Nan-tchao chronicle also recounted that Si-nou-lo and his father, Long-kia-tou, escaped to Nan-tchao, chased behind by the Ngai-lao people.
At the beginning of the years tchen-kouan of Tai-tsong of the Tang, his father Cho-mang, also called Long-kia-tou, escaped with him from the Ngai-lao and went to the valley of Mong-cho.
As mentioned next in the chronicle, Sri Nara and his father escaped to Mong-cho and lived as regular peasants. The Ngai-laos in the text were the Cham aristocrats living among the Lao people who in cooperation with the Chenla Kings drove Rudravarman and his son deeper into Yunnan.
Narapatindravarman
Because of his high merit, continues the Nan-tchao's chronicle, it would not take long for the contemporary king of Kien-nin-kouo named Tsin-kieou to notice Si-nou-lo. After giving his daughter for marriage, he abdicated his own throne for Si-nou-lo to reign in 649 AD. It is important to note that his reign was contemporary to the reign of the Chenla King Isanavarman. His name Indravarman, moreover is a perfect match with King Borom' s son named Khun Inh, who according to the northern Siam Tradition, also became the ruler of Lavo and Ayudhya. We shall see that his title of "Narapati" eventually became the Angkorian title for Lavo's ruler. His reign moreover signifies the declining of the Chenla Empire. It was at this time that other Chinese texts started to mention about the Man rebels making theirs way to invade the Land Chenla. It was also at the same time that the khmer tradition mentioning about the ousted Khmer Kings back to drive out the Cham kings down south. The Lao tradition of Khun Lo, the eldest son of Khun Borom, who would become the founder and ruler of Lan-xang and later Champapura, would fit perfectly in the next exploit of Narapatindravarman or one of his immediate descendants. Evidences show later that the khmer Kings continued their quest over the Chenla territory eastward and the foundation of Indrapura at Champapura was seen next, as witnessed by inscriptions founded at the site of Dong-doung's temple.
Puskarasa
The next king in the line of the pre-Angkorian Kings and to be presented in the Inscription of Pre Rup as an ancestor of Jayavarman II is Sri Puskaraksa. Unlike his ancestor Narapatindravarman, concrete evidence shows that Puskarasa was not at Nan-tchao but back in the Khmer territory. The inscription of Prah That kvan Pir (BEFEO IV:Notes d'epigraphie,Inscriptions of Prah That Kvan Pir, M. L. Finot), commemorates the erection of the Puskarecvara by a king Puskara, in 716. This is one of the rare epigraphs found in Chenla during the break up. Unlike previous Chenla inscriptions which glorification of the king is the norm, the short inscription provides no information about Puskarasa himself. We know more about him from the inscriptions of king Yasovarman I at the Angkorian site. In the stanza II, immediately after the invocation to the three divinities Brahman, we find the commemoration of Puskarasa as king of Sambhupura (Sambor).
Asid aninditapuresvaravansajatas sri puskaraksa iti sambhupuraptarajah rajno mahendragirimurddhakrtapadasya matuh sthiras samiti matulamatulo yah The passage mentions that Puskarasa was descended from the line of Kings of Aninditapura and was reigning over Sambhupura, an indication that Puskrasa won the fight against the last of the Cham kings and moved to take control of Sambhupura. The passage also mentions about the mount Mahendragiri where one of his descendants Jayavarman II will established the Khmer Chakravatin Empire. We also have some inscriptions from the region of Sambor, two of them dated 770 and 781, emanated from a king named Jayavarman who was perhaps Jayavarman II himself. An inscription of 791 found in the province of Siem Reap, which mentions the erection of an image of the Bodhisattva Lokesvara, is the most ancient epigraphic evidence of the existence of Mahayana Buddhism in Cambodia.
THE DECLINE OF THE CHENLA COURT
In contribution to the story of Khun Borom of Nan-tchao, we had seen that the Rudravarman's son Narapatindravarman was regrouping back the Khmer Empire. We shall see that the development does not involve only Nan-tchao, but Tai-yuan, Tibet and Bengal as well. As soon as they repositioned themselves, the Khmer rulers were engaging in harassing the Chenla Empire and not before long they were able to rage back into the Chenla' s territory. Collaborating to the Khmer Tradition of the Khmer Kings heading back to fight with the Cham Kings, Chinese texts mention that during the reign of Isanavarman, Chenla had made alliance with Thsan Pan and Tchu-Krang, but fought with Lin-yi and Tai-Yuan. It indicates that Lin-yi (Prey-nokor) was not part of Champapura and along with Tai-Yuan fought alongside the Funan kings against the Chenla court. Champapura, on the other hand, had been in good relationship with the Chenla Empire since the reign of Mahendravarman. It appears that Puskarasa had managed to capture back Prey-nokor and was helped by another Khmer ruler of Nan-chao or Tai-Yuan whom the Tang Chinese referred as the Man rebels to take back the Khmer Empire. We shall see that this turnover of the events was in part due to the support of Water Chenla, under the rulership of Anuruddha (Xiang-mai: The City of Lawasangharatha: The connection with the Angkorian court). We could checkout the takeover of Prey-nokor by the Sri Vijaya kings through Khmer inscriptions. Information about the attack of the Man rebels from the northern front, however, has to rely mainly on Chinese sources.
The attack of the Mans
The people of Nan-tchao as a whole who got theirs identity from the Man culture were referred in Chinese texts as the Mans. As the Miens constituted the majority of population of the western China, the Tibeto-burman tongue was theirs dominant language. As people, the Miens were subjected to the local rulers of Nan-tchao, but during the Sui and later the Tang Dynasty of China, they were under a new dynasty formed by Si-nou-lo who happened to be the son of displaced Khmer King Rudravarman. That would explain theirs next campaigns deep into the mainland Indochina, apparently against the last stronghold of the Chenla Empire.
The Man rebels once led an army of cavalry as far as the seashore. When they saw the green waves roaring and breaking, they felt disappointed and took their army and went back home.
Another Chinese text (JA 46 (Nov. 1958): The early Siam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce.) describes their attack against the city of Nu-wang.
The City was Nu-wang and was located at over 30 day-stages distant from Jin-Nan Chieh-tu of the Man and is 10 day-stages distant from Huan-Chou. They regularly carried on trade with the common people of Huan-Chou. The Man rebels once led 2000 men to attack the kingdom. They were shot down by Nu-Wang with poisoned arrows. Not one in ten survived. The Man rebels then retreated.
This was just another setback for the Mans since according to the Khmer chronicle, the Cham kings were loosing ground and were forced to retreat. They had to reposition themselves to the South.
He (Prah Thong) then strikes back to chase out the Cham kings; some escaped to Bayang-kor, some to the mount Isvara.
The retreat is checked-out by score of vestiges left behind by king Isanavarman at the realm of the southern territory that includes a stone temple built on mount Bayang-kor. Another Chinese text (JA 46 (Nov. 1958): The early Siam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce.) describes similar attack by the Man rebels, this time to the ancient Khmer (Kun-lun) territory where Isanavarman was taking refuge (JA 46 (Nov. 1958): The early Siam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce).
The Kun-lun kingdom is 81 day-stages from the Man boarders. Products of the land are the dark wood perfume, sandalwood perfume, dark-red sandalwood perfume, betel-nut trees, glazed ware, rock crystal, bottle gourds, unburned brick, etc..., various perfumes and herbs, precious stones, rhinoceros, etc. Once the Man rebels led an army with cavalry to attack it. The (people of) Kun-lun kingdom left the road open and let them advance. Then they cut the road behind the army and connected it with the river, letting the water cover it. Whether they advanced and retreated, (the Man) were helpless. Over ten thousands died of hunger. Of those who did not die, the Kun-lun severed the right wrists and let them go home.
The passage indicates that the Khmer (Kun-lun) kingdom, under the Chenla kings, was fighting against the Man rebels forcing them to withdraw after severe loss. The Mans lost the battle against the last stronghold of king Isanavarman but not the war. Chenla along with Champapura was gradually loosing ground and finally were forced off the mainland.
The last Chenla king Jayavarman (657-681)
The inscription of Ang Chumnik ends its genealogy of the Chenla kings with Jayavarman who is mentioned as the son of Isanavarman. Found at Ba Phnom, the inscription was inscribed by members of the Chenla court and provided good information about the end of the Chenla Empire. The inscription indicates that Jayavarman left the court to his uncle of mother side who took care of the family's fortune.
Next the king (Jayavarman), with all marks of honor, left (the court) to brother of his mother, who without having the title, enjoyed the fortune of a king.
That was presumably the fate of the Chenla clan back under the control of the new Khmer Empire. It was reduced to its beginning, a wealthy society holding no status of kingship. The inscription does not provide any more information about Jayavarman but, along with other inscriptions, it gives whimsy picture the rest of the Chenla clan at Ba Phnom. One inscription left by his daughter, queen Jayadevi mentioned donations to a sanctuary of Siva Tripurantaka and complained of the misfortunes of the times. This sanctuary was founded by the princess Sophajaya, also a daughter of Jayavarman who married the Sivaite Brahman Sakravarmin born in India. The unfortunate circumstances mentioned in many of the inscriptions, could be a prelude to the end of the Chenla court. The inscription of Ang Chunik mentions next the formation of the city Adhyapura under the government of Jayavarman's uncle.
After the rule of succession of the family, the king by recognizing that he was the righteous man commissioned him with honor to take care the government of the city of Adhyapura. Then only under his ruling with justice that procured the non-stop prosperity, the city of Adhyapura had lived up to its name.
We could identify without much doubt that Adhyapura was at the site of Ba Phnom. During the breakup of the Funan Empire, it was known as the Kun Lun Kingdom in Chinese text to become the seat of the last Chenla Empire. I-ching apparently made a trip to this place, perhaps to investigate the fate of the Buddhism religion during the Chenla's attack.
Setting out south-westward, one reaches within a month, Poh-nan (Kuo), formaly called Fu-nan. Of old it was a country, the inhabitants of which lived naked; the people were mostly worshippers of heaven. Later on, Buddhism flourished there, but a wicked king has now expelled and exterminated them all, and there are no members of the Buddhist Brotherhood at all, while adherents of other religions live intermingled.
Poh-nan is obviously I-ching's reference to Ba Phnom which was previously the capital of the Funan Empire subjugated by the Chenla Empire. After the pull-off of the Chenla court from Ba-Phnom, I-ching's remark reveals the actual grim picture of Budhhism at the region.
The Chenla court back at Lingaparvata
An inscription found at Vat Phu witnesses the presence of Jayavarman at the location mentioned in the inscription as Lingaparvata, on the Khorat Plateau far away north from Ba-phnom (BEFEO II: Stele de Vat Phu, M. A. Barth).
The master of masters of the land, Sri Jayavarman, issues his command (as followed): At this Srimate Lingaparvata, all the living of this place would not be harmed by nobody, even if they had committed sins. What offering to God here, or others would stay as his.
This is the first inscription that refers Wat Phu as Lingaparvata. The king Jayavarman mentioned in the inscription was obviously the Chenla King Jayavarman who, under the attack of the Khmer Kings, moved his Land Chenla's court up north closer to Yunnan, apparently for the protection of the Tang court of China. To the Chenla court, Lingaparvatava was the sacred place for the Chenla King to perform the annual human sacrifice. The inscription implicates that the sacrifice was still carried on during his reign that marked the decline of the Chenla Empire. The passage indicates that the goal of the sacrifice was to be protected by God from any harm, regardless of the sins they have committed. This Vishnuite tradition could be the driving force behind the Cham' s faith to God, observed through out the Chenla era by the Chinese observers. During the last of his reign, Jayavarman had to abandon Ba-phnom and moved the Chenla court up north to Wat Phu. It was clearly a strategic move; by moving his court closer to the Chinese border he could find protection from the Tang Dynasty. By then, we shall see that the Tang court was conducting a campaign to drive the Man-rebels out from Nan-chao and subsequently drove them back to the south. In a twist of faith, the Man rebels managed to succumb the rest of the Chenla Empire and the next formation of the Angkorian Empire started.
Reference
The following sources provide basic historical facts of this paragraph.
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. FUNAN: BEFEO III: Le Funan, by Paul Pelliot
  3. TCHAO: Histoire particuliere du Nan-Tchao, by Yang Chen, Translated by Camille Sainson
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