Ayudhya

Project: Ayudhya
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: April/01/2009
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed. Please kindly notify me of the discrepancies.

INTRODUCTION
Scholars had agreed that Ayudhya was the precursor of the medieval Siam State. However, unlike the northern Siam countries where rich tradition of Tai or Lao cultures could be checked-out, Ayudhya had always been the seat of the Khmer-mon culture. The only connection of Ayudhya with the Tai legacy that left the Tai-Kham culture in the Menam Valley was during the early formation of the Funan Empire by King Hun Tien. Of Kamboja stock, he came by himself to subdue the local queen Liu-ye and established the Funan or the Kambojan Empire. On the other hand, its connection with the Tai country of Southern China, based on the Tai and Lao's legend of Khun Borom, was wrongly postulated into the Tai migration from Yunnan. We have argued that Khun Borom who was no other than the God King Paramesvara, the progenitor of the Angkorian Empire, was not a native of Yunnan but was a refugee from the Khmer court of Kamboja chased out by the Chenla Clan. After the fall of the latter, the establishment of one of his sons named Khun Inh coincided with the emergence of the Sailendra dynasty of the Sri Vijaya court that was to become the proginator of the Ketomala Dynasty of Angkor. The first few generations of the new Ayudhya kings were not lined from this dynasty and we shall see that theirs connection with Khun Borom were through the Lao King Mang-rai of Lanna.
The historical records of Ayudhya
Unlike the chronicles of northern Siam in which historical records provide continuos information from the formation of Xiang-Saen by King Sihanati from Daya Desa until the advent of King Sangharatha, the history of Ayudhya's past connection with the Tai legacy is hardly proved. Blame on the invasion of Pagan in 1767, all Ayudhya's past records were assumed perished during its fall to the Burmese attack. As Ayudhya was sacked, destroyed and never been recovered again, the lost of its records was used to explain the discontinuance of the new Ayudhya court with the regional tradition. After the next establishment at Bangkok, efforts to retrieve back the past history had been handed on to members of the court (Notes: Ayudhya's record). In many of the new versions, Ayudhya was mentioned to be formed from wilderness by King U-dong in 1350 AD. Some versions such as the "Phongsavadan muang Nua" contain prior historical records very similar to the Khmer records of the pre-Ayudhya period. The story of Prah Ruang along with the formation of Sokhodaya is by far the most popular since it was interpreted as the formation of the first Tai State to be free from Angkor. The story of Ponhea Krek, connecting the region's past to the Chenla King Bhavavarman and also to the Pagan king Anuruddha, was on the other hand skeptically introduced as the progenitor of king U-thong's lineage. We shall see that this claim is totally wrong as king U-thong had never have any connection with the Angkorian court. The lineage of Ponhea Krek coming back to rule Angkor after king Srindravarman was however true up to the reign of king Siharaja, three generations of the line. After the reign of king Siharaja who left only a daughter and no male heir, it was king Nipeanbat from the fugitive Lampang court who married her and ascended the Angkorian throne to become the next generation of Khmer monarchs (The breaking of the Cakravatin Empire: The next Khmer kings of Angkor).
THE NEW AYUDHYA
The decline of the Yuan dynasty came as a blessing for the southern countries. Even though still collecting tribute, the next successors gave-up more and more controls and allowed their former vassal states to roam free. Taking the opportunities, the southern provinces freed themselves and started their own ventures. Being long under the Yuan Dynasty, legacies from the Mongols were retained as part of the new development of theirs societies. The Tai-Yuan of Buddhist background benefited the most from that legacy as they became the favorite of the Yuan dynasty. After the great Khan, the Buddhist Yuan rulers found in the Buddhist Tais compatibility that they could not find in theirs Cinicized subjects. In any circumstances, the Tais of Yunnan would not have any reason to leave the country. The fall of the Mongols moreover provided opportunity for the lineage of king Mang-rai to consolidate the northern Siam. During the development we saw the settlement of a Kaeo court at Nan and we had argued that it was the refugee court of Kaeo-pangsa, chased off Yunnan by the Mongols and settled at Nan, under the discretion of Mangrai. In a dispute about trophies gained from a joined campaign against the Phyao country, the Kaeo court of Nan was chased out again by King Kham Fu, the third generation of King Mang-rai' s descendant.
A displaced court from Xiang-rai
The advent of the Kaeo court chased out from Nan by King Kam Fu agrees with a version of the new Pongsavadan of Ayudhya containing similar event during the foundation of Ayudhya (Le Cambodge III: Le Siam, E. Aymonier).
The Pongsavadan started with the sketchy account of the migration of the king and people of Xieng-rai. Chased out by the invasion of Talaings, came to establish themselves at Muang Pep, in front of Kampheng Phet and founded a new capital with the name of Tri-trung.
It confirmed that the founders of the Medieaval Ayudhya were not the Tai people from Yunnan, but a displaced court from Xiang-rai. The Tai version moreover mentions that it was the invasion of Talaings, referred in general to the Mon people, that drove the Tai court at Xiang-rai down south. As the Xiang-mai chronicle was quiet about any external squeamish with Ramandesa at the time, it is implying that the Talaings or Mons in the account were not from Tathon and were actually the Mons of Xiang-mai. It is important to recall that the new Lanna kingdom of King Mang-rai was formed by incorporating the Mon states of Haripungjaya and Lampang and that Mangrai himself was a descendant from the early king of Xiang-mai, Lawasankharatha who was of Khmer-mon stock. These facts pointed out that even during this late stage of the northern Siam history, Xiang-mai was still retaining Khmer-mon Tradition. The attack was more likely about the campaign of king Kham-fu chasing out the Kaeo court from Nan. The Khmer tradition, on the other hand, mentions about a Lao division from the ancient court of Yunak country making their move into the Menam Valley during the downfall of the Angkorian Empire (CKH,page 17).
There was a Lao king of Xiang-rai, from a Yunak Country; defeated in a battle, he moved his people down south into Siam. After subduing the Ruang Dynasty into submission, he built his military stronghold at Kampen Pet of which he made a great city. He changed his migrant status and adopted the Siam culture.
Not only that it collaborates on the origin of the new court of Ayudhya, the Khmer account also indicates that the new Siam court was formed at the expense of Sokhodaya.
The founding of Ayudhya
At the end of the reign of Rama-Kamheang, Sokhodaya was in decline. The defeated Kaeo court, after establishing themselves at Kampen Pet, took the opportunity to subdue the Ruang family and expanded theirs control down south. According the southern Siam tradition, they then encountered theirs own dynastic crisis (The Christal sands, The Chronicles of Sri Dhammaraja, David K. Wyatt). The next line of kings was not of Kaeo Pongsa's direct descendants.
After four generations, the Lao King had one of his daughters married to a Lao native named Sen Tom. The so named was of high merit, after usurping the throne from the Xiang-rai rulers, he made himself king of Siam. He then renovated the city and named it Krong Tepburi. He was crowned under the name of Sri Jaya Chieng Saen.
The Royal chronicles of Ayudhya (Thailand: A Short History, David K. Wyatt), on the other hand, give a slightly different version.
The king passed away and no member of the royal family could be found to succeed him. So all the people raised prince U-tong, who was the son of Choduksethi, the leader of the Chinese merchant community, to be anointed as king and govern the kingdom.
In this version, it was King U-tong himself and not his father who was quoted to be from a Chinese wealthy family. The southern Siam Tradition however agrees with the Khmer chronicle that the father of dav U Dong (U-tong) named dav Pijayyadaba Jianbhava (Sri Jaya Chieng Saen) who was of Chinese background and was making himself king of Siam, by marrying one of the late King's daughters. After the death of the last Kaeo king, the court elected him to be the next king of Tri-trung.
After the reign of Sri Jaya Chieng Saen, his eldest son named U-thong ascended the throne. He (U-thong) moved his palace and built his kingdom on the site of Norng Snau at the south of the city Tepburi (Krong Thep). He renamed the kingdom as Krong Thep Mahanokor Bavarrajavati Sri Ayudhya.
Ramathibdi
According to the Siam Tradition (RPAA), U-tong ascended the throne of Ayudhya under the name of Ramathibdi in 1350.
In 1892 of the Buddha era, the yea of Tiger (1350), ruling over the beautiful city of Ayudhya like a city of Gods, a king named Ramadhipati Suvannadola. At the age of 37 years old, possessing of high merit, a grand prestige, a big court and a great power. Enjoying of the fruit of his good deeds accumulated in his anterior existence, he was the standard of Siam.
The same source also mentions that U-tong found a small island of the Menam River perfectly suitable for the establishment of his southern city.
It was him who founded the city, the palace, the monasteries, Sanctuaries, halls of upositha, and the Cetiya, and decorated them with diverse ornaments.
From other Tai sources (Phongsavadan muang Nua), the move was in haste to escape the outbreak of a severe epidemic and that Ayudhya was formed from the wilderness to become the new capital. This claim contradicts head-on with its own northern tradition of Khun Borm's son named Inh settling at Ayudhya after the fall of Nan-chao during the Tang Dynasty. Evidences moreover show that Ayudhya was already a city of the Menam Valley since the antiquity time as a Khmer inscription found at the place proves the settlement of ancient Khmer courts many time in the past. During the last of the Mongol incursion, we had seen that the Angkorian court had escaped to the Menam Valley and settled down at Ayudhya (Sri Dharmaraja: The reestablishment of Sri Dharmaraja). According to the chronicle of Sri Dhamasokaraja, while preparing for the inauguration of the reliquary on the crystalline beach, king Dharmasokaraja Left the southern Menam Valley with little defense, a rare opportunity for king U-tong to make his move.
News of this reached dav Pijayyadaba Jianbhava, the father of Dav U Don, the ruler of Sri Ayudhya. Dav U Don raised an army of 2,007,300 and encamped them on [the bank of] a river. From hence he sent a royal letter to Brahna Sri Dhammaraja.
The fight with Sri Dhammaraja came next. Upon learning that Ayudhya was taken, Sri Dhammasokaraja came back to challenge King U-tong.
Brahna Sri Dhammasokaraja raised an army of 2,007,300 men, equal to dav U Don, and encamped them where they could gain the advantage.
The two armies clashed and many men on both sides were killed. Weary with the war's enmity, Sri Dhammasokaraja initiated the cease-fire. The two rulers came to the agreement of settling theirs domains; the southern Menam Valley was left to U-tong and Ayudhya became his capital. Needless to say, Sri Dhammasokaraja moved his capital down south into the Malay Peninsular and according to the chronicle agreed to sent tribute to King U-tong. A version of the Royal Chronicles of Ayudhya states that U-tong was then the successor of a king of Kambuja and that he ruled in Intrapath before he moved his court to Ayudhya during a epidemic plague (Pongsvadan muang Nua).
The Emarald Buddha Image
With an army of 2,007,300 men, U-thong drove the last ruler of Ayudhya, King Dharmasokaraja out of the Menam Valley. It was then that the Emerald Buddha Image was supposedly moved from Ayudhya to Kamphaeng Phet. According to the chronicle of Emarald Buddha, the son of the King of Kamphaeng Phet, presumably Ramasuan who was the ruler of Lavo, moved the Buddha' image to Lavo and kept there for one year and nine months. A ruler of Xiang-rai named Thao Maha Phrom, friend of the King of Kamphaeng Phet, in a political crisis with the court of Lanna took refuge under the protection of the latter. During his stay, he had an affair with consort of his host who helped him to get hold of the Sihinga Buddha Image. After the affair was uncovered he was chased out by his host and returned back to Xiang-rai where he managed to persuade his nephew and the king of Lanna, Saen Muang Ma, to reinstall him as a ruler of Xiang-rai. He then moved the Sihinga Buddha image to his city where it remained until the reign of Sen Muang Ma in 1388-1411. A certain circumstance forced the latter to hide the image behind a stucco plaster and the image remained hidden until it was discovered again in 1434 (some source says 1436). Hearing the new of the Buddha's image uncovered from its plaster, Cao Sam Fang Kaen, then king of Xiang-mai, sent his crew to move the image to his city. During the trip, it is said that the elephant that set to carry the image to Xiang-mai combated its way instead to Lampang. After many unsuccessful tries, it was decided that the Buddha Image would stay at Lampang and remained there for the next thirty-two years.
AYUDHYA AS A KINGDOM
Through a series of conquest, Ayudhya secured control over the lower Menam Valley. Theirs future conquest which included Lanna, the Khorat Plateau would make the kingdom of Ayudhya much more expansive and proclaimed itself a nation. Built mostly on the ground of the Khmer legacies, the Tai leadership had to adjust themselves to the Khmer culture. During colonial time when the Western World brought along the notion of race and nationality, the Siamese leadership and aristocrats found themselves at odd with theirs own identities. Misconceptions about identity, culture and other issues arose as Tai historians tried to build Tai Identity by emphasizing on Ayudhya's past connection with the Tai legacy of the Yunnan country. During the writing of the modern history of Ayudhya, past legacies were ignored or suppressed in favor for the legitimacy of the Tai leadership.
The Tai Identity
Ayudhya's modern history had been written based on the wrong premise that Sokhodaya, a vassal state of Angkor, fought and got its independent after the decline of the latter. This misconception had lead to the belief that there was in fact a Tai nationality who got themselves free from the Khmers and named theirs first Kingdom Sokhotai as the first free state of the Tais. In fact, the Tai identity had its origin from the word "Tai Tet", a Tai transcription of the Sanskrit word Daya Desa and was a reference to the country of the Saka of Central Asia at the northwestern region. These Saka Clans were the Parthians or Kambojans who later formed the Mauryan Empire of Transgangetic India at the expense of the Nandas. Evidence also show that during theirs high apogee they controlled the world and were the same rulers of China of the Xia or Yin Dynasty. Like in Transgangetic India, theirs first settlement at the south of China was at the expense of the Kamara kings of Tian Shan countries who were forced to move south and established themselves among the Khmer-mon tribes. Evidences show that the Menam Valley was then becoming Sudharmavati and Ayudhya was the stronghold of the Kamara culture of the Gachanaga family. Like the Khmers who were the product of the Kamara culture, the Tais got theirs identity from the Saka culture of Daya Desa. While evidences show that the Tai culture had actually hold at the Yuanan country, Ayudhya's connection with either Daya Desa or the Tai tribes of Yunnan country is grossly misled.
The Tai Language
The Yao or the Mien people were likely the remnants of the original Pyu people in disarray among the indigenous tribes. They were joined later by the Miaos from central China, and together they contributed to the emergence of the Tai cultures among the natives. In a distribution of Languages, we could see the Miao-yao of Sino-tibetan tongue was sparingly distributed in pocket among the Tai speakers. It is an indication that the northern indigenous tribes were once again subjected to cultural change under the influence of the Miao-yao culture and became the seat of the Medieval Siam and Lao nationalities. The Mongolian incursion moreover brought a new wave of Miao tribes to roam free that created the phenomenon of the Tai migration toward the South. The Tai Language became a common language for inter-tribal communication and trade, but a majority of these Tai speakers were still traditionally bilingual and used their own languages among themselves. The adoption of the Tai language was however enforced with the establishment of the new Siam nations formed after the Mongolian era by rulers who once had connection with the Yuanan country. After founding Sokhodaya, Ramakamheang (Sokhodaya, LCM) invented the Tai scripture and judging from his inscriptions, his court might be composed in majority of Tai speakers. His descendants however reversed the trend and there is evidence that the southern Menam Valley was still retaining the Khmer-Mon legacies at least until the formation of the new Ayudhya court in 1350. The real spread of the Tai Language was obviously propelled by the Kaeo power elite from the Yunnan Country. This time, besides bringing along with them the northern Tai legacies into the south, they encouraged the Kaeo people and other Chinese ethnicity to migrate south.
The population of Ayudhya
Even though proved to be dated since the early formation of the Kamara kingdom of Mahidhara, Ayudhya was not always been populated as other part of the Menam Valley. Unlike Lavo where the Mon culture was taking hold among crowded Khmer-mon's population, Ayudhya was never known as a major city in the past. For most of its existence, it was the royal residence of the Khmer rulers of Dvaravati. Starting as the stronghold of the very first dynasty of Guchanaga, it became later the seat of the very first Sri Vijaya (Patham Vijaya) and the Sailendra courts. Becoming the capital of king U-thong, the situation was changed. In its own history (RPAA:Deuxieme partie: Depuis la fondation de Juthia jusqu'a nos jours, pages 75-76), the formation of Ayudhya required drastic measures regarding to its population. In theirs own accounts, any time that they conducted raids on neighboring states, the major task of the Ayudhya's army was to capture as many peoples as possible from the losing party.
Rama-Suen captured Xiang-mai and brought many thousands of Lao. He took also the capital of Cambodia and left there only five thousands souls.
Started from the reign of Ramasuan, the policy was also carried on during the next generations as well, especially during the attack of king Borom-Raja-Thirat on Xiang-mai.
He (Borom-Raja-Thirat) went to conduct war at Xiang-mai, where he brought twelve thousands of Lao captives.
The evidences refute earlier theory of Tai migration stating that the peoples of race Tai migrated down south and to make room for themselves they subsequently displaced the Lawa, the Khmer and the Mon tribes away from the Menam Valley. Evidence show instead that the new Ayudhya court needed as much population as they could get to add over the original Khmer-mon people who were scarcely populated the region. The captured peoples were used to populate Ayudhya and at the same time stripped from its antagonist neighbors of valuable human-resource. They were integrated into the new society of different social stratum to make-up the new Siam country, most as slave and human labors. On the opposite fronts, the new Lao, Burmese, and Khmer courts, in theirs own drive for supremacy, also applied the same policy as well. In consequence, the natives ended-up becoming war's casualty and were very much beaten as rape and other kinds of war's cruelty were common of theirs ordeals (The breaking of the Cakravatin Empire: The impact of the re-population).
THE EXPANSION OF AYUDHYA
The absorption of Lavo and Sokhodaya made Ayudhya one of the strong contenders for supremacy after the fall of Angkor. This inclusion of local courts connected with the past Angkorian Empire, in conjunction with new influx of Chinese migrants, made Ayudhya becoming a new military power of the mainland. In contrast to other courts that were still retaining the Angkorian legacy, the new Ayudhya court retained their agressivity connected to the Kaeo country of Yuanna. Cinicized and of Mongolian stock, the first generation of Ayudhyan kings were warlike. In theirs own drive to become a new Cakravatin Empire, Ayudhya started with the policy of expansion.
Ayudhya overran the Angkorian court
As soon as Ramathibdi established himself at Sri Ayudhya, attacks on Cambodia started. Cambodia had been drawn deeper and deeper into depression, and as we shall see, experienced the lack of good leadership since the Mongol's incursion. A new line of kings originated from Lampang kept the Khmer tradition alive and in the process adopted a conservative policy. The aggression of Ayudhya on the other hand, set the bad tones that generated distrust between the two nations. During the first few campaigns, the Khmer court managed to defend itself by mobilizing troops from a drawn down people. The recruitment was often conducting in haste; with no proper training, the Khmer army withstood at best the Siam attack. After each battle, diplomatic exchange did not resolve the conflict. On the Khmer side, the messenger brought the message to the Siamese camp (CKH:The land of Prah Lampung Raja).
Nokor Kamboja dhipti was a Maha Nokor (Great Kingdom) that Siam was used to be a vassal. Now Siam declares itself independent and had already established its own frontier and we (Kamboja) had never objected and hold grudge about it. Why in the world that Siam brought its army to fight against Khmer and make our monks, priests and the whole population suffering?
The passage mentioned about Siam being independent from the Angkorian Empire and the frontier set between the two countries. It was referring to the break-off of Sokhadaya from Angkor, happening during the incursion of the Mongol Empire. We shall see that the frontier in question had been laid-out clearly between the two countries since the independence of Sokhodaya. During the accord between the Ayudhya king, Prah Dharmaraja and the Khmer King Boromindaraja later in the sixteenth century, it was brought-up again to settle between the two countries (Nokor Catomukha: Nokor Lawek: The pact between Ayudhya and Lawek). However, it is clear that the new Ayudhya's court, occupied very much with its own ambition, could not care less about the peace's accord. The army marshal (senapati) who was conducting the Siam army against the Angkorian court was no other than the future Siam king Boromraja, an uncle of king U-thong. After receiving the message, he simply replied back:
The state of Sri Ajudhya brought up its army against Maha Nokor in the purpose of taking Kamboja into its vassalage. If Kamboja agrees to be a vassal of Ayudhya, Siam would immediately return its army back to Ayudhya.
This reply from Boromraja reveals the new Ayudhya court's policy about its ambition to become the next cakravatin Empire. The policy however would draw resistance from all Ayudhya's neighboring states for no-ones were leaning for the Ayudhya's leadership. We shall see that during its initial campaigns, Ayudhya had to conduct attacks on many fronts, but to the credit of the warlike king Boromraja, managed to succeed under hostile environments. After receiving the reply from the commander of the Siam Army, king Lampangraja met with his court and decided to resist the Siam invasion. In his own statement, he made it clear that in no circumstances the Angkorian court would submit itself to Siam without fighting.
We used to have high honor and if we agree to submit to Siam, all our prestige would surely tarnished. Therefore, Siam should never hope that Kamboja Desa would agree to become one of its vassals.
The attack obviously continued and intensified the rivalry between the two nations. In future move, Ayudhya had succeeded to overrun the Angkorian defense and took the Angkorian throne in 1351. King Lampangraja died during the attack, unable to break free the Siam's blockade. His brother king Suryavang escaped to the Lao country and came back to free the Angkorian throne in 1359, presumably with the help of the new Lan-xiang king Fa Ngum. According to the Lao tradition, before Ayudhya's attack on Angkor, Fa Ngum headed a Khmer army to consolidate the northeastern Lao country and built the Kingdom of Lan-xiang. He then attacked Lanna and Ayudhya to free the Khorat plateau from the Ayudhyan controls. This exploit obviously helped the Khmer king Suryavang not only to take back the Angkorian throne, but to put a sudden stop on further aggressions from Ayudhya. At the same time, we see a new maritime venture into the ream of Sri Dhamamraja by the next king of Angkor named Dharmasokaraja. The Ayudhya' s invasions however resumed again during the next reign of king Boromraja.
King Boromaracha
U-tong sent his brother-in-law Pha Ngua to rule over Suphanpuri and his eldest son to rule over Lopuri. The two cities at reachable distance from Ayudhya by water constituted the support bases of the new Siam country. Lopuri provided stable administration and religious backbone that were legacies of the Khmer Empire. Suphanpuri, on the other hand, had been the seat of power for the U-Thong family for some time. Under these adverse circumstances, Ayudhya throne was to experience political disturbance during the next successions. After the death of Ramathibdi in 1369, Ramasuan ascended the Ayudhya throne for only briefly (RPAA).
After him (U-tong), his son Ramassura, possessing of high merits, to the power at the age of 30 years and reigned for 3 years.
According to other sources, Ramassura only reigned for one year and the next year, his uncle Boromaracha came with a full force to take Ayudhya. Ramasuan abdicated and returned back to Lobpuri.
His maternal uncle named Banu Mahanayaka usurped the throne and exiled him. Possessing of high merits, doing of good deeds, observing the precepts and practicing the virtues.
Siam sources stated that the country was then blackened under civil wars, but Boromaracha brought everyone under submission. Known as " a war-minded ruler" and "a fan of weapons", Boromaracha then started a campaign of conquests against his neighbors and he spent the rest of his life to accomplish his mission. After usurping the throne of Ayudhya from his nephew, Boromraja had resumed the aggressive policy against his neighbors. He had conducted many attacks against the new Angkorian court and in many occasions sacked the Angkorian throne. During each sack the Siam troops grabbed any trophies that they could find which included many of the Angkorian population and courtesans. Back in Ayudhya, they built up their own court according to the Khmer legacy; they proclaimed themselves Maha Nokor or the Great Kingdom, the reminiscence of the last Angkorian Empire. On the northern front, he started by conquering Lanna and by 1378 he had captured back Nakhon Sawan, Pisnuloka and Kamphengpet. After succumbing Lumpung in 1386 he turned again to Sokhodaya.
Conflict with Sukhodaya
As recounted by the Chiang Mai Chronicle (the Chiang Mai Chronicle, David k. Wyatt), the affair between Ayudhya and Sokhodaya was far to be finished. By then Mahadhammaraja had regained some control over Sokhodaya's dependencies that had fallen away after the death of Ramakamheang and started to challenge Ayudhya.
The ruler of Sokhodaya offended against Phraya Borommatricak of Ayudhya. Borommatricak took his principality and placed it under the protection of Cao Saen Muang Ma.
Boromaracha, astute as he was, drew Lanna into the conflict. Taking advantage of the young and inexperienced Cao Saen Muang Ma, he requested protection from the new ruler of Chiang Mai. Cao Saen Muang Ma sent an army to capture Sokhodaya even though Mahadhammarach II did make it clear that he did not wish to fight.
The lord of Sokhodaya came out and communicated with a senior woman, acting as an envoy who came out to talk to the ruler of Sukhodaya, who told him that he did not want to fight the ruler of the South.
Mahadhammarach II of Sokhodaya managed to defeat the army of Cao Saen Muang, but would need to face next the real enemy, the army of Ayudhya. At the end, Boromaracha succeeded to force Sokhodaya into submission. The fall of Sokhodaya under the control of Ayudhya is confirmed also by Chinese sources (BEFEO IV, Deux Itinaraires De Chine en Inde I, P. 235, Paul Pelliot).
During the period Tche-tcheng (1344-1368) the state of Lo-hou conquered the state of Sien, then the new name of Sien-lo-hou or Sien-lo. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, in 1371, the first ambassador of Sien-lo-hou or Sien-lo came to the court, and the relations continued uninterrupted until today.
Ramaraja
When Boromaracha died in 1388, his seventeen-year-old son, Prince Thong Chan, was placed upon the throne. Ramasuan then stormed the palace, executed the young king and assumed the power. His second reign lasted for seven years and his twenty-one-year-old-son Rama succeeded him in 1395 under the name of Ramaraja. Under a benign circumstance, he appointed Nakhon In who was the young brother of king Thong Chan to conduct diplomatic relationship with China. In 1409, the chief of Ramaraja's minister fled the court and positioned himself with Nakhon In to depose Ramaraja. Nakhon In ascended the throne under the name of King Intraraja and the minister was rewarded with the daughter of a royal concubine. The Chinese court of the late Yuan Dynasty recognized Nakhon In all-along as heir apparent to the Ayudhya throne. The crisis seams to end once for all the rivalry from Lobpuri for the Siam chronicles later mentioned little of its existence. King Intraraja posted his elder sons to the government of northern and western provinces: Suphanpuri, Sankhapuri and Pisnulok.
THE CAKRAVATIN CODEPENDENCY
With the inclusion of Lavo and Sokhodaya into its dependency, the leadership of Ayudhya was also diverse as its population. Beside the hard core of king U-tong's dynasty, the court of Ayudhya included in its sub-layer, members of the Khmer court from Lobpuri and members of the Ruang Dynasty from Sokhodaya. During it early stage, the new court of Ayudhya managed to keep theirs subordinate courts in check under the control of the U-tong Dynasty. We shall see that the next crisis, maneuvered by the princess Sisodachan, would bring down the power of the U-thong Dynasty to its extinction. Taking that opportunity, both internal and external rivals stepped-up to challenge the next court of Ayudhya.
The palace's intrigue by the princess Sisodachan
After the death of Rama-Suen, his son Phaja-Ram ascended the throne. His reigned for fourteen years was ended by another usurpation conducted by a member of his relative named Indraraja. He sent his three sons to rule the northern provinces and he died in 780. Upon hearing the new of theirs father' s death, two of the three brothers Chao-Ai and Chao-Ji rushed to Ayudhya to fight for the throne and ended-up mutually killed each other during the fight. The other brother named Chao-Sam took the throne for himself and reigned under the name of King Borom-Raja-Thirat. His successors are enumerated in a lineage as followed (RPAA).
After he died in 796, his son ascended the throne under the name of Borom-Trai-Lokhanat. During his reign, there was hunger all over the country. After his death, his son named Prah-Rama-tibhodi ascended the throne for thirty-six years. The next king was his son Phra-Borom-raja who reigned for only four years. Raja-kuman only reigned for one year; his son Xaja-Raxa-thrat ascended the throne in 876. In the year 887 Juthia was almost consumed by a fire that lasted for three days. The king died leaving his eleventh years old son named Phra-Jot-Fa as heir.
The mother of Phra-Jot-Fa named Si-Suda-Chan took control of the state affair as regent in the name of her youngster son. She had an affair with a court's official whom she brought up to become one of the high-ranking officials and finally proclaimed him king. His reign however was short and was plagued with revolts and uprising. During a trip out off the palace, they both were murdered and the throne was handed to an uncle of the king defunt, king Maha-Chakrapath.
King Maha-Chakrapath-Raja-Thiraj
During the palace's intrigue, King Chakrapath escaped the persecution by taking refuge in a pagoda and was ordained as a monk. After the crisis, he ascended the throne of Ayudhya under the name of Maha-Chakrapath-Raja-Thiraj. As his name implied, King Chakrapath proclaimed himself a Cakravatin monarch that reveals very much of his own ambition. His personal drive did not however bring success to Ayudhya as much as he wished. Inheriting all the hate of its neighbor incurring by the first generation of King U-tong, the next phase of Ayudhya's history was marked by retaliations from its neighbors turned into enemies of all fronts. As soon as he was handed over the throne, king Cakrapath had to face the attack from Cambodia. The Cambodian king Sri Raja, hoping to capitalize on anarchy of the Ayudhya's court during the palace's intrigue caused by the princess Sisodachan, brought his troops to attack Ayudhya. What he did not know was that the intrigue was soon to be over and Ayudhya was back quickly in order , under the new king Cakrapath. Ending in defeat, Sri Raja withdrew his troops back into Cambodia and would face a crisis of his own. It came as a short relief to the new king Cakrapath who also had to face with Hamsavati. During the attack of Sri Raja on Ayudhya, the king of Hamsavati, Tabinshwehti had also prepared troops for a similar assault of his own. He put his plan on hold, after hearing that Sri Raja already brought his troops to Ayudhya. After the defeat of the Khmer King, Tabinshwehti then conducted his own attack.
The king of Pegu which the capital was named Hamsavati, brought up an army three hundred thousand men with a troop of seven hundreds war elephants raids the country and established his camp in the plain of Ayudhya.
Unlike his predecessors who were warlike, king Chakrapath was at the contrary tactful. However, the attack of Tabinshwehti left him no other choice than to face the invader. During the fight, the queen Soriyaudaya, fighting along side of her king, was killed in the elephant's fight one-on-one with the king Tabinshwehti.
The king of Siam went to join his troops that he could assemble and engaged in a singular-combat with the king of Pegu. But the elephant that he mounted took a sudden fright, the queen Sorijo-Thai, dressed in costume of war, combated courageously at the place of her spouse, until having her shoulder hit and lost her life on top of her elephant.
The fight continued for another few months before the king of Pegu, running out of supplies, withdrew his troops back to his country. Off from Pegu's attack, King Cakrapath took the time to interfere into the internal affair of Cambodia. Very much in its own dynastic crises, Cambodia was divided into three factions. King Cakrapath' s intervention ended-up taking Sri Raja as a prisoner along with his nephew and rival Sri Suryauday (Nokor Catomukh: The intervention of Ayudhya: Sri Dharmaraja). In exchange for the safeguarding of his son and immediate family's members, Sri Raja handed over the control of Sri Dharmaraja to Ayudhya. In addition, the arrangement with the new king of Cambodia, Sri Dharmaraja, secured Ayudhya from petty attacks from the east and allowed him to concentrate more on the western front. After the reign of Tabinshwehti, the new king of Pegu named Bayinnaugh prepared a new assault. This time there was a changing of strategy, instead of directly attacking Ayudhya, the Pegu king brought his army to occupy Ayudhya's northern provinces, preventing them from interfering as further attack on Ayudhya was conducted. Seeing his condition worsening, king Chakrapath had no other choice than ceding to the Bayinnaugh's demand. Besides swearing friendship to the king Bayinnaugh, he had to send his son, Ramesuan as a hostage to the court of Pegu.
Juthia consented to give four white elephants, and one of his sons as hostage, after that the king of Pegu returned back by the way of Phittanulok.
On the eastern front, King Cakrapath' s affair with Cambodia had also turned to the worst. After the withdrawal of Hamsavati's army from Ayudhya, King Cakrapath sent envoi to Cambodia asking for tribute that had been promised to him. Having succeeded in bringing back order in Cambodia, Ponha Chan Raja refused to send tribute to Ayudhya and prepared to face retaliation from King Cakrapath. Ayudhya then conducted two assaults against the young court of Lawek. Ended with defeat, Ayudhya was forced to abandon any other plans over further claim on Cambodia's suzerainty (Nokor Catomukh: The Intervention of Ayudhya: The formation of Lawek). In his old age, King Chakrapath relegated the throne to his son, King Mahinthara-Thirat and secluded himself in a Buddhist monastery. However he was forced to return back to the throne the next year, after the king of Pegu had launched another attack against Ayudhya. This time with an army stronger than before, the king of Pegu besieged the city for nine months during which the king Cakrapath died. With the Ayudhya's court left in the hand of king's Cakrapath's incompetent son, Pegu quickly overran Ayudhya with the help of a high mandarin of the Ayudhya court.
The reign of King Dharmaraja
While king Maha-Chakrapath fought hard to bring back order in his court, his son-in-law, king Dharmaraja was seen conspiring with Pegu. To the Tai world, it was an act of treason, but Sri Dharmaraja did it for the sake of his own agenda. After the death of Rama-kamheang, all kings of Sokhodaya had no obligation whatsoever to the Tai nation. Since the beginning of theirs formation, the rivalry between members of the Ruang family and the U-tong dynasty was always the issue. After Sokhodaya was subdued by the U-tong dynasty, it is obvious that Sokhodaya court' s loyalty to Ayudhya was only through subordination. The new court of Hamsavati, on the other hand, was Sri Dharmaraja's only hope to bring down Ayudhya and the chance to bring back the Sokhodaya's legacy. Formed by the surviving Pagan's court of king Naradhipati with the tutelage of the three Shan brothers, the Pegu's court had closer past connection with Sri Dharmraja than the U-tong Dynasty had. After the attack, king Bayinnaugh handed over the subdued Ayudhya court to Sri Dharmaraja but left him with little defense.
The king of Pegu amassed a big wealth of trophies and brought with him all the people in captivity, only leaving one thousand men under the command of Tamma-Raxa-Thirat.
The news reached the Cambodian king Boromindaraja who saw the weakness of Ayudhya as another opportunity to gain back the three provinces in dispute with Ayudhya: Bachinpuri, Chandapuri and Nokorrajasima (Nokor Catamukh). He then brought a small army and went straight to subdue Ayudhya but once again had to withdraw back. The Siam source has also a paragraph about this first failed attempt by the king of Cambodia (RPAA).
The king of Lawek, who had an implacable hate against Siam, took the opportunities of the reduced state to seize also Juthia. On his side, Thamma-Raxa-Thirat in rushing to repair all the done to his capital, had assembled a big number of people. The Cambodian king, seeing that it would not be that easy to take over as he thought it was, had to content himself to the pillage, plundering and the collection of captives, on theirs way back home.
The Siam chronicle however is quiet about the next campaign that resulted in the hand-over of the three disputed provinces back to Cambodia. The next assault of Lawek was better planned. With bigger army, they took control of the dispute provinces first before heading to subdue Ayudhya. The new strategy worked as king Dhammaraja was cut off from his army' s recruiting ground and had no other choice than to cede the three provinces to the Cambodian court as requested. After settling the frontier, a pact was signed by both courts to safeguard both countries' welfare.
THE RELATIONSHIP WITH LAN_XANG
After the advent of King Fa-gnum, the relationship between Lan-xang and the Cambodian court was disrupted by the abandonment of Angkor. Under new attacks of Ayudhya, the Cambodian court could no longer stay at the Angkorian site. Moving his court Down South, Chao Ponha Yat left Angkor in wilderness. At the contrary, the Lao kingdom continued to exert its influence over the northern Siam countries. After a set-back during the intrigue of the princess Nang Maha-devi, Lan-xang was back again in rigor, starting from the reign of King Visulraja and his son Pothisara-raja. Circumstances still favor Lan-xang to thrive and join in the battle of supremacy for its own account. After taking control of Xiang-mai, the Lao kingdom became a stronger contender, enough to command respect from both Ayudhya and Burma. In the process, alliance with Ayudhya was formed.
King Pothisara-raja
After the death of king Visulraja, his son was enthroned under the name of Pothisara-raja, in 1520 AD. Around 1532 AD, a prince named Sayaraja fled Ayudhya during his dispute with the Ayudhya's ruler Athityaraja. After taking asylum in the Lao kingdom, he requested king Pothisara-raja to invade Ayudhya. The Lao sent his army to Ayudhya and camped in a place called Viang Phrangam awaiting the Ayudhya's army to come out. After ten days waiting, the Lao army was ordered to pull back without fighting. In the year 1540 AD, Ayudhya sent its troops to invade Viang-tchan but was soon driven out by the Lao army. After King Phra muang Kate-Keo of Xiang-mai died without any heir, his court requested the son of king Pothisara-raja named Sethathirath, to ascend the Xiang-mai throne. Still at his youth of fourteen years of age, King Sethathirath ascended the Xiang-mai throne in the year 1548 AD. It is important to recall back that Xiang-mai had a long history of contact with the Lao court of Lan-xang. In cooperation with the Ming court, Xiang-mai was exercising its influence over northern Siam Countries. After subduing Nan in 1449 AD, King Trilok of Lanna extended his campaign against Lan-xang (Lanna: The affairs with the Ming Dynasty: War with Luang Prabang). The control over Xiang-mai was the set point of King Pothisara-raja' s supremacy in the region. Rulers of many northern Siam kingdoms sent theirs ambassadors to seek his alliance. Hamsavati, in its plan to invade Ayudhya, also approached king Pothisara-raja for alliance. King Manthaturad of Burma sent many diplomatic missions to renew the proposition. Lost in his new found fame, king Pothisara-raja gathered all the foreign ambassadors for an outdoor meeting to show off the Lao way of catching wild elephants. To further impress his audience, he decided to demonstrate himself the skill that turned out to be a costly mistake. After rounding off wild elephants into an open field, King Pothisara-raja rode his elephant into the herd in the preparation of catching a selected elephant. However when he threw the lasso to catch the wild elephant, his elephant lost its grip and fell on top of him. He was badly hurt and died seven days later.
King Saya Sethathirath
King Setthathirat was the eldest son of king Phothisara. His mother was the daughter of the ruler of Xiang-mai. In the year 1547 AD he was made king of Xiang-mai at the age of 14. Later, in the year 1550 AD, he went back to ascend the throne of Xiang-tong after his father's death. After put down a rebellion leaded by a lady of the left-wing palace named Sen-Marong who tried to put her son named Phra Lan-xang on the throne of Xiang-tong, King Setthathirat became ruler of both Siang-tong and Xiang-mai. At the mean time he anointed Phragna Sisat-Thammatailoka, a court member who brought down the rebellion, to rule Viang-tchan under the name of Phragna Chanthaburi. In 1551 AD, King Setthathirat announced he would stay at Xiang-tong permanently and left Xiang-mai be entrusted to the Princess Chirapapha. The ancient court members of Xiang-mai saw that as an opportunity to restore back the old Xiang-mai court and rebelled against the princess Chirapapha. In 1553 AD, they went secretly inviting Chao Makuti, a direct descendant of Prah Chao Mang-rai, to become the ruler of Xiang-mai. Hearing the new, king Setthathirat sent his army to Xiang-mai and was faced by the army of the new Xiang-mai' s king at Pha-dai. After defeating the latter, King Setthathirat also ordered his army to take down Xiang-sen where the losing party was taking refuge. This campaign made him in collision course with the King of Hamsavati who, upon request from the Xiang-mai refugee court, sent his army to take control of Xiang-mai. The occupation of this northern Siam Country fit perfectly into king Bayinnaugh's strategy for the next attack on Ayudhya. As Lan-xang was under threat of Burmese invasion, king Setthathirat moved his court to Vieng-tchan.
The alliance between Ayudhya and Lan-xang
In 1562 AD, seeing that King Cakrapath was in desperate situation, the Lao king Setthathirat sent his messenger to request the hand of the princess Thepkasatri, another daughter of King Cakrapath with the queen Soriyaudaya. King Cakrapath sent a princess named Nang Keo-Yo-Fah in her place with the excuse that she was ill and could not make the trip. King Setthathirat sent Nang Keo-Yo-Fah back home and requested that the princess Thepkasatri was to be sent to him. As much as he disdained the proposal, king Chakrapath had no other choice than to yield for the Lao king's demand. Tipped by Sri Dharmaraja, the envoy was intercepted by the Burmese army and the princess was brought to Hamsavati. The Lao tradition had a different version and claimed that the envoy reached its destination at Moang Nong-Han (LAO: The Lan-xang Kingdom: The first invasion of Vientiane by the Burmese).
In the Year 1563 AD, when Princess Nang Thep-Kasatti and her escort were on their way to the kingdom of Sasattanakhanahud, king Saya-Satthathirath and his dignitaries went to meet her at Moang Nong-Han and celebration was held there for some time.
The Lao chronicle however acknowledges that Lan-xang suffered next Burmese attack by a different cause. Pursuing two rebels who were set by Hamsavati to rule Xinag-mai, Burmese troops attacked Lan-xang-Vieng-tchan but were driven out by the Lao force. There are no mentions about the fate of the princess Nang Thep-Kasatti. It appeared that the relationship between Ayudhya and the Lao court was sealed from then on. When king Cakrapath entered into monk-hood, his son Mahinthrathiraj ascended the throne of Ayudhya. Looking for revenge against Sri Dharmaraja, Mahinthrathiraj contacted king Saya-Satthathirath for retaliation. Tipped by an insider, Sri Dharmaraja was able to foil the operation with the help of Burmese troops. During the next attack that resulted in the fall of Ayudhya by Hamsavati, king Mahinthrathiraj also requested help from the Lao court. The Lao troops sent for the rescue of Ayudhya were again faced with defeat and were inflicted with severe casualties. The involvement made the Lao court as the next target of Hamsavati. After Subduing Ayudhya, King Chao Fa Mangkri of Hamsavati extended his conquest to the east. It was at the same time that the Khmer Tradition recounted the advent of king Sethathirath preparing to launch an operation against Cambodia, after the lost of the elephant's contest. Facing with the Burmese attack, the Lao king was forced to drop the plan (Nokor Catumukh: Nokor Lawek: The fight for supremacy). The Burmese army was however forced to withdraw due to bad weather and other setbacks.
Reference
The following sources provide basic historical facts of this paragraph.
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. CKH: The Chonicle of Khmer heroes, by Sot Eng
  3. CMC: The Chiang Mai Chronicle, by David K. Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo
  4. CNSD: The Christal Sands: the chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja, by David K. Wyatt
  5. JINA: Jinakalamali (The epochs of the conqueror), by Ratanapanna Thera, translated by N. A. Jayawikramma
  6. RPAA: BEFEO II:The Recension Palie des Annales d' Ayudhya, by George Coedes
  7. CAMBIII: Le Cambodge III: Le Siam, E. Aymonier
  8. LAO:History of Laos, Maha Sila Viravong, Translated by the U.S. Joint Publications research Service
Notes:
  1. Ayudhya's record
    One of the prominent scholars of the Tai history was Sondet Phra Paramanuxit Xinorot.
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